Quezon City Heritage

[ PROJECT GUNITA ]

"KUNG BUHAY ANG INUTANG, BUHAY ANG KABAYARAN"

Ngayong araw, noong 1984, ipinahayag ng Alex Boncayao Brigade (ABB) ng New People's Army ang paggawad nito ng "rebolusyonaryong hustisya" kay Hen. Tomas Karingal.

Si Karingal ang isa sa mga pangunahing commander ng Philippine Constabulary (PC) sa Metro Manila at hepe ng Quezon City Police District (QCPD) noong panahon ng diktadurang Marcos Sr.

Ilan sa mga notoryus na hakbang ni Hen. Karingal bilang isa sa mga tagapagpatupad ng lagim ng rehimeng Marcos Sr. ang pagsupil sa mga iskolar ng bayan na lumahok sa mga protesta noong First Quarter Storm (FQS) at Diliman Commune (1970-71); ang pananakot at panghaharang sa mga miyembro at taga-suporta ng ATOM - August Twenty-One Movement na lumahok sa "Tarlac to Tarmac" March noong Enero 1984, nang sila ay papasok na ng Metro Manila galing sa Bulacan; at ang marahas na pagbuwag ng PC sa isang welga noong Abril 1984, na pumaslang sa dalawang manggagawa.

Sa kanilang pahayag, na inilathala sa Ang Bayan (ang opisyal na pahayagan ng Communist Party of the Philippines), inako ng ABB ang pagpaslang kay Karingal noong Mayo 24, 1985 sa ngalan ng "rebolusyonaryong hustisya." Anila, ang pangunguna ni Karingal sa mga marahas na pagbuwag sa mga welga, rali, at iba pang mapayapang pagtitipon laban sa diktadurang Marcos ang dahilan kung bakit minarapat nilang panagutin ang heneral. Idinagdag pa nilang hindi lang si Karingal ang "sagadsaring pasista" mula sa diktadura na dapat mapanagot.

Para sa historyador na si Alfred McCoy, sa kanyang aklat na "Closer Than Brothers" (isang pagbabaybay sa militar at pulisya sa ilalim ni Marcos Sr), sinabi nito na isang mapagpasyang yugto sa kasaysayan ng Pilipinas sa ilalim ng diktadura ang pagpaparusa ng ABB kay Hen. Karingal. Kung sakaling naabutan daw ni Karingal ang pag-aalsang People Power 1, ani niya, hindi rin ito mangingiming gumamit ng dahas laban sa milyon-milyong mamamayang nagtipon sa EDSA noong Pebrero 1986.

Sa paglaon ng panahon, ipinangalan ang isang kampo sa Quezon City sa heneral (Camp Karingal), samantalang patuloy namang nakilala ang ABB bilang isa sa mga kilabot na "sparrow unit" ng NPA.



*Nagmula sa digital archives ng University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa ang orihinal na scanned copy ng isyu na ito ng Ang Bayan, isa sa mga underground na pahayagan na lumaban sa pagsesensura (censorship) at paniniil ng diktadurang Marcos Sr. Maaari itong matagpuan sa link na ito: https://evols.library.manoa.hawaii.edu/items/76706bd0-80ae-433e-876b-d737c5125740.

This old house in D. Tiazon St., Sampaloc, Manila, is a classic example of urban dwelling in Manila during the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

The most striking feature is the ornate white latticework on the windows. These patterns aren't just for decoration; they allow for maximum natural ventilation in the tropical climate while providing security.

Traditionally used for storage, the ground floor has been converted into a modern commercial space, currently housing a barber shop.

[ PROJECT GUNITA ]

Today would have been the 79th birthday of the inimitable Maita Gomez, one of the beauty queens-turned-rebels who fought the Marcos dictatorship.

From Miss World, to "Ka Dolor," to GABRIELA, this is her story.

Born to a family of hacienderos in Pangasinan and Tarlac, Maita lived with a silver platter. Early on, she was molded around the circles of the elite and of pageants. In 1966, she was known as one of the models for National Artist Jose "Pitoy" Moreno, Jr.

The following year, 1967, she bagged the Miss Philippines crown and represented the country in Miss World of that year. Little did she know, however, that only three years down the line, she would be radicalized.

Typhoon Yoling struck the country in 1970. It served as a gateway for Maita, then a student at the University of the Philippines, to become an activist. She was first drawn into the Malayang Kilusan ng Bagong Kababaihan (MAKIBAKA). She joined discussions on Philippine society, as well as on Marxist and Leninist philosophies.

After Ferdinand Marcos imposed Martial Law on September 23, 1972, Maita shook everyone when she decided, together with her eldest daughter Melissa, to join the underground resistance movement in the countryside.

Maita had always wanted to be deployed to the countryside, among the masses. She once shared a guerilla house with literary giants Bonifacio Ilagan, Bienvenido Lumbera, and Virgilio Almario, who would eventually become National Artists. They were huddled together into one collective.

From Maita the 1967 Miss World candidate, she became the fierce "Ka Dolor" of the New People's Army (NPA). Her determination to partake in the struggle to bring down the U.S.-Marcos dictatorship brought her across the zones of the people's war.

It would not be long, however, before the agents of the dictator would capture her. Sometime in 1973, the military arrested Maita in Baguio. But she later escaped with the help of a soldier who was enamored by her beauty. In 1976, she rejoined the NPA.

By 1980, however, worsening health conditions forced Maita to resurface from the underground. A friend of her, daughter of Philippine Constabulary chief Gen. Fidel Ramos, helped her. She remained under house arrest, but this did not quell Maita's participation in the broader anti-Marcos movement.

When the protest movement against Marcos started to gain momentum between 1983 to 1984, Maita became a favorite face in the numerous demonstrations, meetings, and even coffee shop huddles that happened.

She became the secretary general of Women for the Ouster of Marcos and Boycott (WOMB). But after that, together with another beauty queen-turned rebel, Nelia Sancho, they led the formation of GABRIELA. It became the leading anti-Marcos movement among the women's sector.

Sometime in May 1985, Maita hosted a coffee shop talk — a breakfast salu-salo of some sort — along with anti-Marcos activist Nikki Coseteng. Guests included the Who's Who of the protest movement: Butz Aquino (ATOM - August Twenty-One Movement), Lean Alejandro and J.V. Bautista (BAYAN - Bagong Alyansang Makabayan), theater activist Behn Cervantes, and columnist Louie Beltran.

Maita and Nikki hosted two other breakfast salu-salos after that, perhaps a new insight into the life that Maita took in the protest movement during the last years of the Marcos dictatorship. When she is not leading hordes of crowds in Mendiola or organizing women in the battle for freedom and justice, she was sitting in a coffee shop, percolating about the ills of Philippine society — and manifesting the kind of radical, militant social change that should happen.

ARCHIVAL SOURCES.
1. Coffee Shop Society Percolates: 3. Breakfast with Maita and Nikki. Corazon C. Fiel. Mr & Ms Special Edition, May 24-30, 1985.
2. Maita Gomez, The Beauty Queen Who Chose Not Live Like One. Marc Jayson Cayabyab. One News, September 29, 2019. Link: https://www.onenews.ph/articles/maita-gomez-the-beauty-queen-who-chose-not-live-like-one

[📷: Mr & Ms Special Edition, May 24-30, 1985]

Wedding photo of Gloria Romero and Juancho Gutierrez 1960..

Napaka martyr pala sa pag ibig ang isang Gloria Romero kahit ang ganda niya ang gwapo din kasi ng asawa niya♥️

Pumanaw siya last year sa idad na 91🕊️

[ PROJECT GUNITA ]

On the fateful night of January 16, 2001, former senator Francisco "Kit" Tatad — who first earned notoriety for reading Proclamation 1081 in 1972 — made a motion to put into voting the matter of opening the controversial second envelope, during the impeachment trial of President Joseph Estrada.

The infamous second envelope was perceived to contain incriminating evidence, in the form of bank accounts and transactions, that could indict Estrada further and lead to his conviction and removal from office.

In late 2000, Pinoy Times Special Edition made a projection — that 11 senators would vote in favor of the impeached president. The voting on the night of January 16 proved that: 11 "pro-Estrada" senators did vote to oppose the opening of the second envelope. Those 11 votes, in essence, killed any hope of shedding light on such a primordial piece of evidence against Estrada.

10 senators voted to open it, including the late senator Rene Cayetano and another young senator, Loren Legarda.

After the 11 votes "had it," in the words of former Chief Justice Hilario Davide, history was set. Prosecutors walked out. A tearful Loren Legarda hugged Senate President Aquilino Pimentel Jr., who resigned from his position as soon as the vote was taken. Rene Cayetano stood behind them. One of the pro-11 senators, Tessie Aquino-Oreta, danced in front of a disenchanted crowd in the Senate's gallery.

Text messages started to be passed around, inviting people to go to EDSA Shrine. An hour later, Jaime Cardinal Sin and Cory Aquino started to call on people to come out, and in huge numbers.

A historic vote that bungled an ongoing impeachment trial, the first in Philippine history, paved the way for what history now calls People Power II.

Last January, we marked the 25th year of EDSA Dos—one month before the country commemorated the 40th anniversary of the first People Power uprising, which ousted the Marcos dictatorship.

May the study of our history continue to infuse important lessons that could guide us in the present.



[📷: "EDSA 2: A Nation in Revolt," Anvil and AsiaPix, 2001]

[ FILIPINO HISTORY GALLERY ]
𝘼𝙉𝙂 𝙆𝘼𝙏𝙊𝙏𝙊𝙃𝘼𝙉𝘼𝙉 𝙎𝘼 𝙇𝙄𝙆𝙊𝘿 𝙉𝙂 𝙊𝙋𝙀𝙍𝘼𝙏𝙄𝙊𝙉 𝙈𝙀𝙍𝘿𝙀𝙆𝘼 𝘼𝙏 𝙅𝘼𝘽𝙄𝘿𝘼𝙃 𝙈𝘼𝙎𝙎𝘼𝘾𝙍𝙀

​Ang pagpaplano ng Jabidah Massacre ay nagsimula sa ilalim ng isang sikretong operasyon na tinawag na "Operation Merdeka" noong huling bahagi ng 1967. Ang planong ito ay binuo ng administrasyong Marcos upang bawiin ang Sabah mula sa Malaysia sa pamamagitan ng paggamit ng tinatayang 200 na mga recruit na karamihan ay mga kabataang Tausug at Sama mula sa Sulu at Tawi-Tawi. Ayon sa mga ulat mula sa pahayagang The Manila Times, ang mga recruit na ito ay sadyang pinili dahil sa kanilang kakayahan sa dagat at pagkakapareho ng kultura sa mga taga-Sabah. Ang estratehiya ay sanayin sila sa paraang "guerrilla-style" sa Corregidor upang lihim na makapasok sa Sabah at maghasik ng kaguluhan, na magbibigay ng dahilan sa Pilipinas na pumasok at angkinin ang teritoryo.

​Gayunpaman, habang tumatagal ang pagsasanay sa Isla ng Corregidor, nagsimulang lumabas ang mga problema sa pamamahala at trato sa mga sundalo. Sa aklat ni Rigoberto Tiglao na Debunked, naitala na hindi nakakatanggap ng sapat na sahod ang mga recruit at lubhang malupit ang kondisyon ng kanilang kampo. Nang malaman ng mga kabataang Moro na ang tunay nilang misyon ay makipaglaban sa kanilang mga kapatid na Muslim sa Sabah, sumulat sila ng petisyon sa Malacañang upang ipahayag ang kanilang pagtutol. Ang pagsuway na ito ang itinuturing na pangunahing dahilan kung bakit nagdesisyon ang mga opisyal ng militar na "linisin" ang operasyon sa pamamagitan ng pagpatay sa mga testigo upang hindi mabunyag ang lihim ng gobyerno.

​Noong madaling araw ng Marso 18, 1968, dinala ang mga recruit sa isang airstrip sa Corregidor sa ilalim ng pagkukunwaring ililipat sila ng lugar. Ayon sa mga ulat ng Philippines Free Press, doon sila pinagbabaril ng kanilang sariling mga instruktor gamit ang mga machine gun habang sila ay nakahanay. Isa lamang ang himalang nakaligtas sa masaker na ito, ang bente-nuwebe anyos na si Jibin Arula. Si Arula ay tumalon sa bangin at lumangoy sa dagat hanggang sa mailigtas siya ng mga mangingisda sa Cavite. Ang kanyang salaysay ang nagbigay-liwanag sa krimen na pilit itinago ng administrasyong Marcos sa loob ng mahabang panahon.

​Ang pangyayaring ito ay nagdulot ng malaking galit sa komunidad ng mga Muslim sa Mindanao at naging hudyat ng mas malakas na paglaban. Ayon sa historian na si Teodoro Agoncillo sa kanyang mga pag-aaral tungkol sa kasaysayan ng Pilipinas, ang Jabidah Massacre ang nagsilbing mitsa para sa pagbuo ng mga kilusang nagnanais ng sariling pamahalaan para sa mga Bangsamoro. Dito nabuo ang Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) sa ilalim ni Nur Misuari. Ang sigalot na nagsimula sa Corregidor ay lumaki at naging isang ganap na digmaang sibil na tumagal ng ilang dekada sa katimugang bahagi ng bansa.

​Sa kabila ng mga testimonya ni Jibin Arula, itinanggi ng gobyerno na may naganap na masaker at sinabing ang operasyon ay para lamang sa depensa o kaya ay nagkaroon ng rebelyon sa loob ng kampo. Gayunpaman, ang imbestigasyon ng Senado, sa pangunguna ni Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino Jr., ay naglantad sa mga butas sa kuwento ng militar at gobyerno. Sa artikulo ng Official Gazette ng Pilipinas, binigyang-diin na ang Jabidah Massacre ay nananatiling isang mahalagang paalala sa pang-aabuso sa kapangyarihan at kawalan ng katarungan. Hanggang sa kasalukuyan, ang Marso 18 ay ginugunita bilang isang mahalagang petsa sa kasaysayan ng pakikibaka ng mga Moro.

​Ang Jabidah Massacre ay hindi lamang isang kuwento ng pagpatay, kundi isang simbolo ng pakikibaka para sa katarungan at pagkakakilanlan ng mga Bangsamoro. Pinatunayan nito na ang pagtatago ng katotohanan ay may hangganan, lalo na kung may isang taong lakas-loob na nanindigan para sa katotohanan tulad ni Jibin Arula. Ang mga detalye ng trahedyang ito ay patuloy na itinuturo upang matiyak na hindi malilimutan ng susunod na henerasyon ang madilim na kabanatang ito. Ang sugat na iniwan ng Jabidah ay naging pundasyon ng mas malalim na paghahanap ng kapayapaan at pagkilala sa karapatan ng bawat Pilipino sa Mindanao.

​𝗦𝗔𝗡𝗚𝗚𝗨𝗡𝗜𝗔𝗡:
▪️​𝗔𝗴𝗼𝗻𝗰𝗶𝗹𝗹𝗼, 𝗧. 𝗔. (𝟭𝟵𝟵𝟬). History of the Filipino People. Garotech Publishing.

▪️​𝐓𝐢𝐠𝐥𝐚𝐨, 𝐑. (𝟐𝟎𝟏𝟖). Debunked: Uncovering Hard Truths about the Marcos Era. Icarus Publications.

▪️​𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗠𝗮𝗻𝗶𝗹𝗮 𝗧𝗶𝗺𝗲𝘀. (𝟭𝟵𝟲𝟴, 𝗠𝗮𝗿𝗰𝗵 𝟮𝟭). "Army training of Moros exposed."

▪️​𝗣𝗵𝗶𝗹𝗶𝗽𝗽𝗶𝗻𝗲𝘀 𝗙𝗿𝗲𝗲 𝗣𝗿𝗲𝘀𝘀. (𝟭𝟵𝟲𝟴, 𝗔𝗽𝗿𝗶𝗹). "The Corregidor Incident: A National Scandal."

▪️​𝗢𝗳𝗳𝗶𝗰𝗶𝗮𝗹 𝗚𝗮𝘇𝗲𝘁𝘁𝗲 𝗼𝗳 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗥𝗲𝗽𝘂𝗯𝗹𝗶𝗰 𝗼𝗳 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗣𝗵𝗶𝗹𝗶𝗽𝗽𝗶𝗻𝗲𝘀. (𝟮𝟬𝟭𝟯). "The Jabidah Massacre of 1968."

(Larawan: Institute of Human Rights/Facebook)

[ PROJECT GUNITA ]

"WHY WERE THEY IN NEGROS?": SOME HISTORICAL NOTES

—

Remember his name: Joel Abong.

He was one of the countless children of Negros island who died because of malnutrition and famine that struck the province in 1984-1985.

Here are some historical facts:

1. 190,000 sugar workers lost their livelihood, while over a million sakadas suffered because of the famine since 1984.
2. Per a survey by the National Nutrition Council of the Philippines, 350,000 children in Negros suffered from malnutrition. Joel Abong was one of them. That number also represented 40% of Negros Occidental children under 14 years old.
3. By 1985, infant mortality rate in Bacolod City Hospital alone rose to a staggering figure of 67%.

During the Marcos Sr. dictatorship, vast tracts of sugarcane haciendas were controlled by landlords who bled the people of the Negros island dry.

Two of the dictator's most notorious cronies, Roberto Benedicto and Eduardo "Danding" Cojuangco, had both monopolized the sugar industry and controlled most of these sugarcane lands in Negros.

Through the Philippine Sugar Commission (PHILSUCOM) and National Sugar Trading Corporation (NASUTRA), Benedicto and Cojuangco were able to single-handedly dominate Negros island's once-abundant sugar production and exportation. In return, they raked off millions — if not billions! — of dollars in profits, while sugar planters and farmworkers ended up with nothing at all, especially when a debilitating sugar crisis started to hit the island between 1983 and 1984.

Benedicto and Cojuangco built their obscene wealth on the backs of hapless sugar farmworkers, farmers, and ordinary Negrenses who suffered through unspeakable poverty and hunger because of their avarice.

Martial Law and its economic plunder, particularly Marcos Sr's crony capitalism, painfully starved and killed thousands of people in Negros.

Masskara Festival traces its roots to the hopelessness in which Negrenses were embroiled under Martial Law. Also, at the height of the dictatorship, the term "tiempo mu**to" came into existence—to describe the socioeconomic ordeal of the people in Negros because of the twin problem of economic depravities and militarization.

Speaking of militarization: The ghastly massacre of 20 farmers and demonstrators during a welgang bayan in Escalante, Negros Occidental on September 20, 1985 was a classic example of how the Marcos dictatorship and its military lackeys dealt with the unrest that the Negros crisis had caused, not with rescue and aid, but with brute force and state terrorism.

Under the dictatorship, too, police and military officers served as private armies for the hacienderos and warlords and Marcos cronies who lorded over Negros.

Hence, the social volcano that scarred Negros also bred the conditions that allowed armed resistance to thrive in the island.

This violent cycle of economic control, feudal rule, and hunger in Negros started from as far back as the Spanish and American colonial regimes. Martial Law exacerbated the crisis, in order to feed upon the rapacity of several Marcos cronies.

And while Negrenses were dying in their decrepit hospitals and communities, Ferdinand Marcos Jr. had the gall to mockingly sing "We Are The World" — a global anthem against hunger — aboard a presidential yacht during one of the Marcos family's ostentatious dinner parties in 1985. What a callous act from a soulless regime!

But the downfall of the Marcos dictatorship in 1986 did not end the feudal control of landlords over the rich lands of Negros. Neither did the sugar monopolies collapse.

Worse: Neither Benedicto nor Cojuangco were prosecuted for their economic crimes that left Negros saddled in turmoil. The Marcoses, too, were never held to account for the incalculable loss caused by the famine and economic debacle in Negros.

To this day, its farmers remain landless, its sugar workers penniless, and its young desperate for hope and social change, in particular because the post-1986 landlords who still wield power in the island perpetuate such structures of injustice.

Thus, under the watch of the late dictator's son, landlessness, hunger, and unrest continue to stalk Negros and its people.

May history offer hard lessons for those who still ask, "why were they in Negros?"

[ BATANG BALIWAG ]

SIAPNO ENTERPRISES SA BALIWAG
Natatandaan mo pa ba ito?
Magkano kaya ang gasul noon?

Ngayon, kahit iba't iba na ang brand ng LPG ay bukang bibig parin hanggang ngayon ang gasul ,madalas parin natin naririnig
" naku! naubusan na tayo ng gasul " kahit iba na ang tangke ng LPG. 🙂

Alamniyo ba?
Ang Petron Gasul ay mula sa original na Esso Gasul na inilabas noong 1964 bilang kauna-unahang bottled Liquified Petroluem Gas o LPG sa bansa .

Ngayon, damay tayo sa krisis dahil sa giyera sa Middle East , sa, katunayan ay may nagbebenta na ng LPG higit sa halagang 1,500 Php.

Ang dating sikat na Siapno Appliances Enterprises Inc., sa Plaza Naning sa Baliwag ay pag-aari ni Niceto M. Siapno na nagkaroon din ng mga sangay sa Malolos, Angeles City at San Fernando Pampanga.

Larawan mula sa isang souvenir program ng Baliwag 1968-1977 .

Batang Baliwag Project

[ PILIPINAS-PAGLIPAS NG PANAHON ]

This image captures the early development of the Philippine jeepney in post-war Manila, specifically around April 1946. It shows a surplus US Army jeep that has been locally converted into a passenger vehicle to address the severe transportation shortage following World War II.

Historical Significance

Post-War Origins: After WWII, the American military left behind thousands of surplus jeeps. With Manila's pre-war tram system (tranvia) destroyed, resourceful Filipinos repurposed these vehicles into public transport.

The Conversion: Early models like the one pictured were basic modifications. Builders extended the chassis, added a metal roof for shade, and installed parallel benches to accommodate 8 to 10 passengers.

Cultural Icon: These "primitive" designs evolved into the vibrant, highly decorated jeepneys known today as the "Kings of the Road".

Etymology: The name "jeepney" is widely believed to be a portmanteau of "jeep" and "jitney" (an American term for a small bus) or "jeep" and "knee" (referring to passengers sitting knee-to-knee).

[ PINOY HISTORY ]

'NOT GUILTY' SI ANDRES BONIFACIO AT KAPATID SA HATOL NG KORTE-SUPREMA.

1992, muling binuksan ang kaso sa korte suprema matapos ang 95 years, binusisi ito ni Supreme Court Justice Abraham Sarmiento, sa mga inilitag na ibidensya ng kasaysayan napatunayan na hindi dumaan sa tamang proseso at walang sapat na ibidensya laban sa magkapatid na Andres at Procopio Bonifacio ang kampo ni Emilio Aguinaldo.

Pinawalang sala ang dalawa noong November 27, 1992 ng korte suprema, walang pagtataksil at sedisyon o panunulsol laban sa pamahalaan na naganap, binaligtad din ni Justice Sarmiento ang Hatol na 'guilty' sa magkapatid na bonifacio. Mula sa huling bahagi ng isang dangkal ng kamay na desisyon; (sa wikang Ingles)

“As to the trial of Andres and Procopio Bonifacio, that the trial was null and void, the Council of War having deprived both accused of due process.”

“As to the evidence against the accused, that although the verdict of the War Council was based on no competent evidence, it is nonetheless a historical fact that Andres Bonifacio had sought to set up a rival government in defiance of the Tejeros Government”

“Declaring the accused innocent of the crimes for which they were tried.”

Ito ang patunay na kahit halos isang daang taon na ang lumipas ay kaya paring makamit ang hustisya na sana’y hindi pinataw ng mga taong sakim sa kapangyarihan at posisyon sa panahon ng rebolusyon. Isang bagay sa kasaysayan na hindi kailaman maitatanggi na isang ‘Political threat’ si Bonifacio.

33 years old si Bonifacio nang ito’y ipapatay habang si Procopio ay 23 na taong gulang lamang, sa gubat ng Maragondon sa Cavite pinaslang ng walang habag ang dalawa. Hinangaan ng lahat ang desisyong ito ni Sarmiento, dahil sa paraang ito, nalinis ang pangalan ng dalawa sa ating kasaysayan.

(Posted by Admin 3)

Pepito Rodriguez was launched alongside fellow Sampaguita Pictures contract stars as part of the “Stars of ’66.” He was paired with Rosemarie Sonora, the mother of actress Sheryl Cruz.