Ancient Pakistan

The Gujar are a pastoralist tribe indigenous to the Pahari Hills of Western Punjab. Between the 4th-7th century they joined the Alkhan Huns in their invasion of India, with the resulting migration and conquests across the region.

As per the 1931 Census, Gujars were split about equally between Muslims and Hindus.

Muslim Gujars were traditionally concentrated in the Pahari Hill, adjoining the plains of the Indus Valley in Punjab, while Hindu Gujars were traditionally found in the western Ganges basin.

Linguistic surveys from the British period found that Pahari Gujars, largely Muslim, had preserved their pastoral tradition and native language of Gujari, while most of the Hindu Gujars, who had settled down as farmers in the Gangetic Basin, no longer spoke Gujari.

Linguists further specified that true Gujari was centred in the western Pahari Hills (Jammu, Hazara, Swat), while Gujars in the eastern hills (Kangra-Hoshiarpur) and Punjabi plains spoke a "mongrel" dialect of Gujari mixed with Punjabi.

This is supported by interviews with Gujars in the eastern Punjab hills of Himachal and adjoining Gangetic plain (Uttar Pradesh), who identify Jammu-Kashmir and Hazara as their ancestral homeland, where “pure” Gujari is still spoken.

Analysis of various Gujari dialects suggests the existence of an “overarching link-dialect”, found in the Western Pahari hill region of Poonch (red star). The hills between the Chenab and Indus rivers (outlined red) contain the highest concentration of Gujars in South Asia.

Early researchers wrote that “either Gujari is a form of Rajasthani, or Rajasthani is a form of Gujari”.

As a result of this presumed linguistic affinity, and significant Gujar population in Rajasthan (once called Gujara), some have claimed Rajasthan to be the Gujar homeland.

Modern lexical analysis however has found that Gujari is most closely related to Hindko, a dialect spoken in the Pahari Hills adjoining West Punjab.

“There is no reason to suggest a Rajasthani origin” for Gujari.

Genetic PCA suggests that Rajasthani Gujars once clustered with West Pahari Gujars of Pakistan, but over time mixed with and shifted toward Gangetic tribes (red). The reverse is unlikely based on the position of Pakistani Gujars relative to neighbouring Pahari tribes (blue).

The Gujar expansion from the Pahari Hills is often tied to the Hun invasions, as after this period (4th-7th century), we find an explosion of the term “Gujara” across regions traversed both by Hun campaigns and Gujar settlers.

Prior to their invasion of the Gangetic Basin, the Alchon (Alkhan) Huns established themselves as a confederacy across Gandara, Swat, Kashmir, and Punjab.

Toranama soon unified the Huns and established his capital at Akhnur, in the West Pahari hills along the Chenab.

It is likely the Akhnur based Huns enlisted the neighboring, turbulent Gujar hill-tribes into military service.

In the same way centuries later, the Turco-Persians based in Ghazni would enlist the predatory Pashtuns of the nearby Suleiman mountains, for their India campaigns.

The highest concentration of Gujars are found in the Gujrat district of West Punjab, where 19th century Gujar traditions hail the restorer Ali Khan, likely an Islamized version of the Hunnic Alakhan, described in the 12th century by Kalhana as the "Gujara king".

Gujar tribes like the Chauhan and Tomara are considered Rajputs across India.

A 9th century Haryana inscription claims Tomara descend from a Raja Jaula, likely a Sanskritzed reference to Hunnic Shahi Toramana Jauvla, described in a 6th century West Punjab inscription.

It is likely that some number of Gujar adventurers into the Gangetic Basin intermarried with local Kshatriyas, producing some of the ancestors of later Rajputs. Cursory genetic analysis is not inconsistent with such a theory. Were the Gujars perhaps a race of Huns who stormed out of Central Asia to conquer India?

Unlikely, as genetically, the Gujars contain more indigenous (Harappan) and less exotic (Khorasan + East Asian) ancestry than neighbouring Potohar-Pahari tribes.

To recap, the Gujars are a West Pahari tribe that joined the Huns in their invasion of India from the 4th-7th century; those who intermarried with gangetic Kshatriyas became Rajputs, while those who intermarried with gangetic herders (Ahir/Meena) retained the Gujar name.

via ArainGang Twitter

I have returned to my facebook and instagram accounts. Feel free to leave questions for me to answer (history related preferably).

کیا دروازہ لکھنا مشکل ہے؟

Reposting

Pakistan Armed Forces - Origins of Arrogance & Civilian Disdain

On the day Prime Minister Imran Khan was is Moscow meeting with President Putin at the Kremlin, little is known that senior representatives of the Pakistan Armed Forces were in Washington meeting with Pentagon officials.

While the Government of Pakistan was busy building a Eurasian alliance (with China and Russia) and strengthening its geopolitical position in an increasingly vocal "Global South" (Asia and Africa), the Pakistan Armed Forces were busy trying to undermine Pakistan's sovereignty and ouster PM Imran Khan.

It's clear as crystal where the loyalties of our armed forces are, and they certainly are not with Pakistan, despite several ISPR music videos which pretend that they do.

Today's announcement by the COAS where he termed Russia's military operation as an "invasion" should clearly explain to you the mentality of our armed forces. They are a problem...and we need to discuss where this problem originated from.

> Jinnah's Visit To Army Staff College
On 14 June 1948, Jinnah visited the Army Staff College in Quetta where he met with high ranking officers and made a public speech at the Officers Mess. To make a long story short, he was shocked by the mentality of the officers and expressed his alarm at their casual disdain for civilian leadership. There is no record of what discussions took place in private between the senior officers and Jinnah, but it does appear that Jinnah was put off by what they said. Interestingly, the senior-most officer present, next below the British commandant, was none other than Lt. Col. Mohammad Yahya Khan. Two participants of that training course, Major Sahibzada Yaqub Ali Khan and Major Abdul Majid, who later rose to the rank of lieutenant general, were also present. Jinnah's view of the military wasn't hidden and upon making his public speech at the Officers Mess, he made his point clear:

“One thing more. I am persuaded to say this because during my talks with one or two very high-ranking officers I discovered that they did not know the implications of the oath taken by the troops of Pakistan...I want you to remember...that the executive authority flows from the head of the Government of Pakistan, who is the Governor General and, therefore, any command or order that may come to you cannot come without the sanction of the executive head. This is the legal position.”

Interestingly, Jinnah's visit is highlighted on their official website, but make no mention of the contents of his speech.

The military were aware of Jinnah's stance on meddling into the affairs of government. On the very day of Pakistan's independence on 14 August 1947, Jinnah, who had just become Governor General, scolded one young army officer who claimed to have said:

“Instead of giving us the opportunity to serve our country in positions where our natural talents and native genius could be used to the greatest advantage, important posts are being entrusted, as had been done in the past, to foreigners. British officers have been appointed to head the three fighting services, and a number of other foreigners are in key senior appointments. This was not our understanding of how Pakistan should be run.”

Jinnah was not amused and replied back bluntly:

“Do not to forget that the armed forces are the servants of the people and you do not make national policy; it is we, the civilians, who decide these issues and it is your duty to carry out these tasks with which you are entrusted.” And he added “I should like you to study the constitution, which is in force in Pakistan at present and understand its true constitutional and legal implications when you say that you will be faithful to the constitution of the Dominion.“

What both these incidents indicate is that some army officers had developed extra-constitutional ambitions within less than a year of Pakistan's independence, even while the father of the nation was alive. How and why did that happen? Although a universal feeling of disdain for civilian leadership is almost universal in military brass around the world, the situation in Pakistan was a little different. Disdain was coupled with arrogance and a superficial superiority complex. To understand the origins of this, we need yet another history lesson.

> Colonial Origins
Contrary to popular belief, the Pakistan Army was not formed in 1947, but rather 1920. How is that possible? The same reason why the Pakistan Railways was established in 1861 - we simply inherited it from our former colonial rulers. In the case of Pakistan Railways, we inherited it from the North Western State Railway. But where did the Pakistan Army come from? Here's a brief timeline:

>1857:
- British Raj established; dozens of "Presidency armies" formed throughout the colony.

> 1895:
- Presidency armies abolished.
- Replaced with 4 commands; the Punjab, Bengal, Bombay and Madras commands.

> 1908:
- Punjab Command and Bengal Command merged into Northern Army.
- Bombay Command and Madras Command merged into Southern Army.

> 1920:
- Northern Army and Southern Army abolished.
- Reverted back to four commands; this time as Northern, Eastern, Southern and Western commands.

> 1942:
- Northern and Western commands merged to form the North Western Army.
- This was done to better guard the frontier regions of North West Frontier and Baluchistan.

> 1945:
- North Western Army reverted to Northern Command.

> 1947:
- Northern Command renamed to Pakistan Army.

So the Pakistan Army was essentially inherited from the former colonial force present in what would become Pakistan. Similarly, the remaining commands (Western, Eastern and Southern), in what would become the Republic of India, were inherited by the Indian Army. This is why Frank Messervy is considered the first General of the Pakistan Army. He was made General Officer Commander-in-Chief of the Northern Command in 1946. In 1947, when it was renamed to the Pakistan Army, he was granted the honourary rank of general until 1948.

> North Western Army Culture
The imperial culture of the British Indian Army was one of divide and control. Firstly, British officers, who were always high ranking, were kept separate from "native officers", who were normally low ranking. Secondly, interaction between officers and civilians was discouraged, especially after 1857, where resentment and distrust against civilians had been further entrenched. The common people of British India were seen as its biggest enemy, and hence the military wanted to ensure that officers were kept separate as much as possible from the civilian population. This is why the British Indian Army, apart from hospitals, decided to build their own gated neighbourhoods, clubs, golf courses, resorts etc. These were very well maintained and among the best in the entire colony, and naturally the civilian population ended up viewing officers living a luxurious lifestyle. Furthermore, the North Western Army had a particular daunting task as it had to regularly come in contact with rebelling Pashtun tribes, Baloch tribes and skirmishes in Punjab and Sindh. Of all the commands, the North Western Army was the most stretched and heavily utilized. You would well imagine what the average officer thought of civilians during this period.

> Pakistan Army Inheriting A Mess
Unfortunately in 1947, the Pakistan Army inherited this culture and nothing was done to expunge the new Pakistan Army of its colonial arrogance and disdain for civilians. Even prior to independence, there was minimal interaction between the political leadership and the future leaders of the Pakistan Army. After independence, the interaction remained cold and was not helped by the unwise administrative decision to keep civil and military leadership separated, with Karachi as the capital and Rawalpindi as the army headquarters. Even the nearest provincial capital (Peshawar) was about 200 kilometers away. The farthest provincial capital, Dhaka, was light years away. This perhaps explains why the people of East Bengal hardly ever figured in the calculations of the army, except as an irksome nuisance. This geographical factor only perpetuated and enhanced the feeling of being strangers that was inherited at the time of independence in 1947.

Hence the two sides, civilian and military, began with some hostility and suspicion that strangers tend to have towards each other.

> Questions To Ask Yourself
So I ask you this first – let's go back to 1857 when the British Raj was established.

Place yourself there and ask yourself, why would a colonial power want to establish a military force in its colony? Would it be to protect the common people (the colonized) and serve them? Or would it be to protect the integrity of the colony (the colonizer)?

The answer is obviously the latter. The British formed many military forces across its colonies to keep the common people (or “natives”) in line by any means necessary. The 1857 War of Independence obviously played a big role in this, but what happened following the Bolshevik revolution in Russia also scared the British. Then World War 1 and subsequent rise of N**i Germany and Colonial Japan leading to World War 2 is what maintained an extremely strong British military force being formed here.

So, if we inherited this colonial military, why today are all of you surprised at the history of military coups? Why are you surprised by arrogance of military generals or gated communities like DHA or the fact English is still the official language of the military? Has ISPR ever heard of a language called Urdu? In contrast, the Turkish Army to this day has maintained some of its Ottoman traditions going back over 900 years. Why couldn't the Pakistan Army similarly adopt changes in 1947 to rid itself of colonial disparagement and become a truly independent military force for the people?

We need to have a serious discussion on the role of the Pakistan Armed Forces in politics and where the loyalties of this military actually are.

70 years have past, yet GHQ still thinks it's 1945.

Now do you understand why drone attacks were allowed on Pakistan's territory?

Now do you understand why no PAF jet ever intercepted drones in our airspace?

Now do you understand why the Abbottabad raid was allowed to happen?

Now do you understand?

What a hopeless nation we are.
بس بیٹھے رہو اور خاموش رہو۔

Hello all,

Hope you're all well during these odd times.

I am still alive and well. I have taken a step back from my regular posting on Facebook and Instagram as I've become extremely busy with my personal life.

Most unfortunately, I have become disillusioned with everything that has been occurring in Pakistan over the past year. I knew rot existed but never knew how high up the rot was - or shall I say I just didn't want to admit it.

I was under the assumption that nation building and instilling pride into the people wasn't being perseud and acted upon in Pakistan due to gross negligence and incompetence.

I have since had time to reflect over the past year and realised that this was deliberately done on purpose. The "elites" who rule Pakistan don't want the masses to love their nation and don't want to instill a greater purpose into them.

For example in China, people are taught to remember the "century of humiliation". This is done to inspire the Chinese to go their own way and become self sufficient in every respect.

In America, people are taught to value "freedom". This is done to inspire Americans that they can be and do anything and will lay down their lives to defend it.

In Pakistan we don't have a greater purpose - this is done deliberately to keep us grounded. A nation with self respect, pride and purpose would be out on the streets right now protesting the abyss towards Pakistan is sliding into.

Yet we are mute and quiet.

That's not to say anger doesn't exist. The نفرت towards the once holy cow in Pakistani society has been quite a surprise.

What was being said in Turbat and Miran Shah is now being said openly in Lahore and Islamabad. The writings and statements of "traitors" like Bacha Khan, Mujib ur Rehman and Altaf Hussain are now being reanalysed by the masses. The discovery of Fatima Jinnah being branded a spy and "Anti Pakistan" is now common knowledge.

I guess you could say we've accomplished step one in solving a problem. Admitting we have a problem.

I just wish this had happened in 1956 rather than 2023.

What is step 2?

An evil company which actively poisons wells in Pakistan is giving lectures about water in English among the elitya privileged scum at LUMS.

"HERE’S HOW NESTLE IS LEAVING MILLIONS IN PAKISTAN WITHOUT CLEAN WATER

SHIREEN HAKIM
17TH JANUARY 2018

If you really want to help Muslims in developing countries, boycott Nestle.

1.2 billion people in the world lack clean drinking water. Pakistan may run out of water by 2025, while 15 out of 21 million Nigerians have no clean water access. In North America, Flint, Michigan residents will not have clean drinking water until 2020, while California is in a seemingly permanent drought. Why then, are these regions’ governments selling natural water resources to Nestle, a private, European corporation, which then bottles and sells the water? In case you didn’t know, Nestle is literally hoarding water from around the world to bottle and sell for a huge profit – in Pakistan, Africa, even in the United States. Nestle got the memo that clean, natural water resources are drying out, and they are buying them up (for as little as $200). Ironically, the communities that live the closest to their water plants are suffering the most.

Of course, the worst affected are the already poor and hungry regions of the world, like Lahore, Pakistan. Nestle’s Pakistan plant was censured for not providing drinking water to the local community in 2015. In 2013, reports came that thousands of Pakistanis in the Bhati Diwan village were getting sick by being forced to drink sludge water, as Nestle drained their water supply for their bottled water. Dirty drinking water causes malaria, even death. Nestle was actually selling this water back to Pakistanis while denying the citizens access to it."

You couldn't even make this up! The anger of the average person in this country has grown at a exponential rate. People are choosing between paying their electric bill versus eating!

What has become of us. I used to think slowly Pakistan would change but not anymore.

I cannot wait for the "let them eat cake" moment in Pakistan. Nothing would make more more happier than watching the disadvantaged and middle classes storm these DHAs and Bahria Towns and drag these elitya criminals out of their homes one by one and line them up along those disgusting invasive palm tree lined roads.

What they do after is best left to them.

انقلاب زندہ باد

Response to Tariq Aqil’s dubious article “Punjabi Cheiftains & The 1857 Rebellion” - Friday Times, 08 August 2023

I’m convinced Tariq Aqil read my article (see below) and just wrote the opposite. He argues in his article that Punjabis and Pashtuns sided with the British during the 1857 War of Independence (which he oddly refers to as a ‘rebellion’). He then doesn’t explain why and immediately goes out of his way to mention certain names. The hit piece seems less interested in history and more interested in character assassinations of current politicIan’s in Pakistan whose ancestors played a role In that event.

Facts which were not mentioned in the article which I’ve highlighted in the article “The Story of Rai Ahmad Khan Kharal”.

1. Punjab had fallen to the British in 1849 and so colonial rule had only been in place for eight years up until May 1857. British occupied Punjab was still a work in progress.

2. Much of the British Punjabi colonial structure was being operated by non-Punjabis like schools, canals and especially the military regiments. Most of the soldiers of the British Raj Colonial Army stationed in Lahore, Sialkot and Jhelum were non-Punjabis during this period, who were transferred to Punjab from the northern Ganges plain.

3. When the 1857 War of Independence broke out, the regiments in Lahore, Sialkot and Jhelum did witness a mutiny, but poor coordination and a complete lack of sympathy from the local people of Punjab ensured that they were easily put down.

The question is why. Tariq Aqil never bothered to explore this.

The people of Punjab chose to support the British and rejected the uprising – but this was not done out of love for the British. Rather, both Punjabi Muslims and Punjabi Sikhs had political reasons to ally with the British.

From a Punjabi Muslim perspective, the British were initially seen as “liberators”, who had ended minority Sikh rule of Muslim majority Punjab and thus were not too keen on seeing the British leave right away.

On the contrary, Punjabi Sikhs also chose to ally with the British, since the hatred of the Mughuls was much greater than that of the British. Furthermore, the Sikhs were by and large treated generously by the British following the fall of Punjab in 1849, and so the Sikhs chose to remain loyal to the British.

Regionally outside of Punjab, a similar case occurred with the Pashtuns. The northwest Pashtun tribal regions had been keeping a close eye on the uprising and, like the Punjabis, chose to morally support the British initially, purely for political reasons. With the British having their hands full with an uprising, it was thought that the Pashtun tribal regions would be free from any British misadventure for the time being.

However, British support in Punjab wasn’t uniform, and some openly challenged the British – one of whom was Rai Ahmad Khan Kharal.

I’m not surprised NayaDaur published this ridiculous article, considering they’re lock and step with the GHQ Junta these days. Nevertheless, this article seems more interested in calling out certain ancestors of certain individuals in a party that’s being dismantled by the ‘Great Leader’ Asim Munir.

https://www.facebook.com/AncientPakistan.pk/posts/3195584877168141/

The Story of Rai Ahmad Khan Kharal (رائے احمد خاں کھرل)

All of us are aware of the events surrounding the 1857 War of Independence, but what people in Pakistan are unaware of is the complete lack of public support for the initial uprising in May 1857. So peaceful was Punjab, that in the pursuit of fresh recruits for the British Colonial Army, several envoys were sent throughout Punjab to seek the support of various tribal chiefs.

Punjab had fallen to the British in 1849 and so colonial rule had only been in place for eight years up until May 1857. British Punjab was still a work in progress, and thus much of the colonial structure was being operated by non-Punjabis like schools, canals and especially the military regiments. Most of the soldiers of the British Colonial Army stationed in Lahore, Sialkot and Jhelum were non-Punjabis during this period, who were transferred to Punjab from the northern Ganges plain. When the 1857 War of Independence broke out, the regiments in Lahore, Sialkot and Jhelum did witness a mutiny, but poor coordination and a complete lack of sympathy from the local people of Punjab ensured that they were easily put down. Surprisingly, the people of Punjab chose to support the British and rejected the uprising – but this was not done out of love for the British. Rather, both Punjabi Muslims and Punjabi Sikhs had political reasons to ally with the British. From a Punjabi Muslim perspective, the British were initially seen as “liberators”, who had ended minority Sikh rule of Muslim majority Punjab and thus were not too keen on seeing the British leave right away. On the contrary, Punjabi Sikhs also chose to ally with the British, since the hatred of the Mughuls was much greater than that of the British. Furthermore, the Sikhs were by in large treated generously by the British following the fall of Punjab in 1849, and so the Sikhs chose to remain loyal to the British. Regionally outside of Punjab, a similar case occurred with the Pashtuns. The northwest Pashtun tribal regions had been keeping a close eye on the uprising and, like the Punjabis, chose to morally support the British initially, purely for political reasons. With the British having their hands full with an uprising, it was thought that the Pashtun tribal regions would be free from any British misadventure for the time being. However, British support in Punjab wasn’t uniform, and some openly challenged the British – one of whom was Rai Ahmad Khan Kharal.

>Rai Kharal Meets Lord Berkley
Envoys were sent to Punjab by July of 1857 in a bid to recruit Punjabi men into the British Colonial Army. One of these envoys headed by Lord Berkley met with Rai Ahmed Khan Kharal, a popular and bold chief of the Kharal clan who traditionally live in the region on both banks of the Ravi River in Okara. Born in 1803, Rai Ahmed Khan Kharal had great political acumen and enjoyed cordial relationships with various other Punjabi tribal and clan chiefs. When Berkley asked for his support, he is claimed to have said:

“Kharals do not share wife, horse and land with anyone".

Kharal’s upfront dismissal of Berkley’s request infuriated the British envoy, as he had also boldly declared his loyalty to the Mughul emperor during the meeting. To the British, this came unexpectedly as they had successfully bribed a number of other Punjabi tribal and clan chiefs with ‘jagirs’ and titles.

> Defiance
Kharal’s bold and upfront defiance of the British inspired the people of Punjab to begin standing up to British rule. The first act of defiance came from the tribes and clans around Sahiwal, who refused to pay any taxes to the British colonial government. This was seen as a serious challenge to British authority in Punjab and fearing the same would occur in other parts of Punjab, the British ordered Lord’s Berkley, Martin and Hamilton of Gogera, Sahiwal and Multan to crush any act of defiance harshly and penalize every single person who refused to pay taxes. Berkley did just that, and began arresting all men in Sahiwal who refused to pay taxes, along with their wives and children, and incarcerated them at Gogera Jail. This was seen as completely unacceptable to Rai Ahmed Khan Kharal, who viewed the arresting of children and women as hostages of the British.

> First Battle & Surrender
On the night of the 26 July 1857, Rai Ahmed Khan Kharal and his tribal forces attacked Gogera Jail and freed all its prisoners, before he escaped the scene with his forces to hide in the forests of Gishkori. The following morning, the British retaliated by arresting even more people and burning down several villages along the banks of the Ravi River in Okara. They then arrested Kharal’s wife, children, and mother and threatened to kill them all if he didn’t surrender to the British. Rai Ahmad Khan Kharal himself was a powerful local chief, but to single-handedly continue an armed struggle against a colonial power was next to impossible. With his family now hostages of the British, he surrendered to Lord Berkley. But rather than having a calming effect, it led to strong protests from various other clans and tribes in Punjab and inflamed the situation to the point where the British feared all of Punjab would rebel. As a result, Berkley succumbed under pressure and freed Kharal on the condition that he would not leave Gogera. Kharal was released from jail, but his objective now was to unite the tribes in the region and put up a united resistance to British rule. In a covert meeting of his close friends and allies held in Gishkori, it was decided that all tribes from both sides of River Ravi would get together and launch a multi-pronged attack which included attacking police check posts, blocking the Lahore-Multan Road and enlisting the help of other tribes in the region.

>Betrayal
The British knew it would be impossible for them to directly kill or arrest Kharal, without causing Punjab to rebel. There was, however, one technique left that the British were experts in. It was the same technique that was used against Tipu Sultan and Sirajuddaula – by buying the loyalties of an insider who would give inside information. Two offered their services to Lord Berkley – one was Sarfaraz Kharal and the other was Nehan Singh Bedi. Kharal could have never imagined that his fellow tribe member and friend would ever sell themselves to the colonizer. Sarfaraz and Bedi had attended the covert meeting at Gishkori with Kharal. Soon after the meeting, Sarfaraz Kharal met with Berkley and leaked the plans of Kharal’s united tribal attack on the British. According to the plan, Kharal was to cross Ravi River the following morning to meet with his allies to launch a united final attack. Before dawn, a squadron of cavalry was sent to the banks of the Ravi and a few hours later, another officer left with reinforcements and lastly Berkley himself went to Gishkori. But surprisingly, Kharal had already crossed the Ravi prior to dawn and was in the process of organizing the tribes in one last attack.

>Second Battle & Death
All stories of the second battle between Rai Ahmed Khan Kharal and the British can be traced back to an eyewitness named Dada Phogi. It was now 21 September 1857, and Kharal had assembled a large tribal force along the banks of the Ravi River. Before Kharal led his men into battle, he uttered these words:

" رائے احمد آکھے
جمنا تے مر ونجنا
ایہہ نال ٹھوکر دے بھج جاونا
کنگن اے کچی ونگ دا
آکھے لڑ ساں نال انگریز دے
جیویں بلدی شمع تے جوش پتنگ دا "

Which roughly (not exactly) translates into: “Whoever is born, shall die. It can’t even stand a thud, much like the house of cards. I shall fight the British with the vigour that a moth fights with the flame.”

His words infused the tribes with iron spirit and charged at the British with unmatched chivalry, pushing the British artillery-supported squadron more than two miles back. Fighting temporarily stopped, and Kharal and his forces considered it a great victory for them. He then decided to offer his afternoon prayers, but Berkley had not retreated. He and his small forces were still lingering in the area waiting for Kharal to begin his prayer. During Zuhr, Berkley ordered his forces to attacked Kharal, who was pointed out by his friend Nehan Singh Bedi. According to some sources however, it was Bedi who fired the first shot. Kharal was killed instantly and to celebrate their victory, the British forces set all the villages of the tribes on fire – these villages included Jhamra, Wattoo and Pindi Sheikh Musa.

>Legacy
Rai Ahmed Khan Kharal’s death was a big blow to the British resistance in Punjab. One of his friends, Murad Fatiyana, promised to avenge Kharal’s death and killed Berkley just two days later, although Dada Phogi claims that Berkley misjudged the Ravi and drowned in it while crossing it on 23 September 1857. Rai Ahmed Khan Kharal’s valiant struggle against the British has made him a legend in Punjabi folk poetry (dholas), written by different poets and sung by the masses – eulogising the revolutionary role of Rai Ahmed Khan Kharal, who laid his life for Punjab and never bowed to the might of British.