African Warrious Federal Movement

If I look at the Republic of South Africa I fear for what will become of the Federal Republic of Africa should follow suit.

Fellow African Warriors. I wish if we can put more efforts in shaping the politics, socio economics and new order in our beloved continent.

We need to be more strong than before.

Pamoja Mwana wa Afrika 🤙

Greetings Warrior Sons.

The CIC is still on the game. I hope that you are also continuing with the struggle on your individual endeavors.

My personal circumstances that deprive me focus on the mission are still not resolved, but soon I will be with you, Warriors.

Pamoja

WHO WAS MAGUFULI?

The African History Month celebrates and Honors Magufuli: He was a Selfless Pan African Leader worthy of Emulation.
Biography:
John Pombe Joseph Magufuli was born on 29 October 1959 and served as the fifth President of Tanzania from 2015 until his death in 2021.
He served as Minister of Works, Transport and Communications from 2000 to 2005 and 2010 to 2015 and was chairman of the Southern African Development Community from 2019 to 2020.

First elected as a Member of Parliament in 1995, he served in the Cabinet of Tanzania as Deputy Minister of Works from 1995 to 2000, Minister of Works from 2000 to 2005, Minister of Lands and Human Settlement from 2006 to 2008, Minister of Livestock and Fisheries from 2008 to 2010, and as Minister of Works for a second time from 2010 to 2015.

Running as the candidate of Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), the country's dominant party, Magufuli won the October 2015 presidential election and was sworn in on 5 November 2015; he was re-elected in 2020. He ran on a platform of reducing government corruption and spending while also investing in Tanzania's industries.

EDUCATION
Magufuli started his education at The Chato Primary School from 1967 to 1974 and went on to The Katoke Seminary in Biharamulo for his secondary education from 1975 to 1977 before relocating to Lake Secondary School in 1977 and graduating in 1978. He joined Mkwawa High School for his Advanced level studies in 1979 and graduated in 1981. That same year he joined Mkwawa College of Education (a constituent college of the University of Dar es Salaam) for a Diploma in Education Science, majoring in Chemistry, Mathematics and Education.

Magufuli earned his bachelor of science in education degree majoring in chemistry and mathematics as teaching subjects from the University of Dar es Salaam in 1988. He also earned his masters and doctorate degrees in chemistry from the University of Dar es Salaam, in 1994 and 2009, respectively. In late 2019, he was awarded an honorary doctorate by the University of Dodoma for improving the economy of the country.

EARLY LIFE AND POLITICAL CAREER

Magufuli ventured into elective politics after a short period as a teacher at The Sengerema Secondary School between 1982 and 1983. He taught chemistry and mathematics. Later on, he quit his teaching job and was employed by The Nyanza Cooperative Union Limited as an industrial chemist. He remained there from 1989 to 1995, when he was elected as Member of Parliament (MP) representing Chato district. He was appointed Deputy Minister for Works in his first term as MP. He retained his seat in the 2000 election and was promoted to a full ministerial position under the same docket. After President Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete was requested to take office, he moved John Joseph Magufuli to the post of Minister of Lands and Human Settlement on 4 January 2006. Subsequently, he served as Minister of Livestock and Fisheries from 2008 to 2010 and again as Minister of Works from 2010 to 2015.

2015 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

On 12 July 2015 Magufuli was nominated as CCM's presidential candidate for the 2015 election, afer winning a majority vote in the final round of the primary over two opponents: Justice Minister and former United Nations Deputy Secretary-General Asha-Rose Migiro, and the African Union Ambassador to the United States of America, Amina Salum Ali.

Although Magufuli faced a strong challenge from opposition candidate and previous CCM political party member Edward Lowassa in the election, held on 25 October 2015, he was declared the winner by the National Electoral Commission (NEC) on 29 October.He received 58% of the vote. His running mate, Samia Suluhu, was also declared Vice President. He was sworn in on 5 November 2015.

2020 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

In July 2020 Magufuli was nominated as the CCM's presidential candidate in elections scheduled for October 2020. His nomination was not opposed after the expulsion from the party earlier in the year of Bernard Membe, a former foreign minister who had planned to challenge the nomination. He received the highest votes and was therefore re-elected to extend his presidency until 2025 for a second term.

PRESIDENCY

After taking office, Magufuli immediately began to impose measures to curb government spending, such as barring unnecessary foreign travel by government officials, using cheaper vehicles and board rooms for transport and meetings respectively, shrinking the delegation for a tour of the Commonwealth from 50 people to 4, dropping its sponsorship of a World AIDS Day exhibition in favour of purchasing AIDS medication, and discouraging lavish events and parties by public institutions (such as cutting the budget of a state dinner inaugurating the new parliament session). Magufuli reduced his own salary from US$15,000 to US$4,000 per month.

He suspended the country's Independence Day festivities for 2015, in favor of a national cleanup campaign to help reduce the spread of cholera. Magufuli personally participated in the cleanup efforts, having stated that it was "so shameful that we are spending huge amounts of money to celebrate 54 years of independence when our people are dying of cholera". The cost savings were to be invested towards improving hospitals and sanitation in the country.

On 10 December 2015, more than a month after taking office, Magufuli announced his cabinet. Its size was reduced from 30 ministries to 19 to help reduce costs.

On 12 April 2016, Magufuli conducted his first foreign visit to Rwanda, where he met his Rwandan counterpart Paul Kagame and inaugurated the new bridge and one-stop border post at Rusumo. Magufuli also attended the memorial of the 22nd anniversary of the Rwandan genocide.

In July 2016, Tanzania banned sh**ha smoking, with Magufuli citing its health effects among youth as the reason.[26] In March 2017, Tanzania banned the export of unprocessed ores, in an effort to encourage domestic smelting.[27] In January 2018, Magufuli issued a directive ordering the suspension of registration for foreign merchant ships, following recent incidents surrounding the seizure of overseas shipments of illegal goods (particularly drugs and weapons) being transported under the flag. Tanzania and Zanzibar had gained reputations for being flags of convenience. In the same year, He introduced a fee free education for all the government schools in 2016.
The country has amended the laws governing the award of mining contracts, giving itself the right to renegotiate or terminate them in the event of proven fraud. The new legislation also removes the right of mining companies to resort to international arbitration. The tax dispute with Acacia Mining, accused of having significantly undervalued its gold production for years, finally resulted in an agreement: Tanzania obtains 16% of the shares in the mines held by the multinational.
In May 2020, Acacia Mining paid $100M to the government to end dispute as the first tranche of the $300M.

INFRASTRUCTURE

Magufuli's government worked on various infrastructure projects targeting economic development.
Projects include the addition of half a dozen Air Tanzania planes as a way of reviving the national carrier, the expansion of Terminal III of Julius Nyerere International Airport, construction of Tanzania Standard Gauge Railway, Mfugale Flyover, Julius Nyerere Hydropower Station, Ubungo Interchange, new Selander Bridge, Kigongo-Busisi Bridge, Huduma Bora Za afya, Vituo Bora Za Afya, expansion of Port of Dar es Salaam, Dodoma Bus Terminal, liquefied natural gas plant, water project, wind farm project, Uhuru Hospital project, gold refinery plant, and Magufuli Bus Terminal.
Magufuli received the nickname "The Bulldozer" in reference to his roadworks projects, but the term was also used about his moves to reduce spending and corruption within the government. Following Magufuli's initial rounds of cuts post-inauguration, the hashtag " " was used by Twitter users to demonstrate their own austerity measures inspired by the president.

HEALTH
BIRTH CONTROL

In September 2018, Magufuli told a rally: "Those going for family planning are lazy ... they are afraid they will not be able to feed their children. They do not want to work hard to feed a large family and that is why they opt for birth controls and end up with one or two children only."

He urged people not to listen to those advising about birth control, some of it coming from foreigners, because it has sinister motives. In July 2019, Magufuli urged women to “set your ovaries free”.

COVID–19

Magufuli spoke against the possibility of closing churches during the COVID-19 pandemic in Tanzania, stating: "That's where there is true healing. Corona is the devil and it cannot survive in the body of Jesus," reported the Economist in March 2020.

By May 2020, Magufuli and Dar es Salaam regional commissioner Paul Makonda announced that the disease had been defeated by national prayer, and called for a public celebration."The corona disease has been eliminated thanks to God", Magufuli told the church congregation in Dodoma, the country's capital. The World Health Organization (WHO) has queried the government's approach to COVID-19.
Magufuli instructed security forces to blindly test coronavirus PCR test kits for quality on goats, papaya, sheep, and motor oil. All of them, he said, had been found to be positive for COVID-19. By June 2020, the government had not published data on the coronavirus since late April. Magufuli had dismissed the head of the national laboratory, and the distribution of non-governmental information on the spread of the virus had become a crime. He disputed the effectiveness of face masks and testing.

Magufuli said in a January 2021 speech: "Vaccinations are dangerous. If white people were able to come up with vaccinations, a vaccination for AIDS would have been found." Instead, Magufuli urged steam remedies and herbal medicine.
Rest in Power Pan Africanist
The struggle Continues ......🇹🇿🇹🇿🇹🇿

Dear Great Warriors

Different times calls for different approaches; different challenges calls for different measures.

This what happened for the past few months. I'm certain that you are all worried on the progress of the Federal Movement. The CIC is silence and no body is updating you.

Let me assure you today that the struggle is always continuing; the mission is still alive.

There are temporary setbacks and challenges your CIC is facing. In no time I will be back fully. Please do not despair; do not feel ignored and rejected we are together.

Afrika for the AFRIKANS! Afrikan Problems for Afrikan Solutions! Afrikan Conflicts for Afrikan Resolutions!

Pamoja Mwana wa Afrika!

Victor K Shango
Commander in Chief
AWFM7775/27/6136

THE BERLIN CONFERENCE: A LEGAL BACKING FOR THE EUROPEAN COLONISATION OF AFRICA

~Berlin 1884: Remembering the conference that divided Africa~

135 years ago, European leaders sat around a horseshoe-shaped table in GERMANY's capital city Berlin to set the rules for Africa's partitioning and colonisation. It was on the afternoon of Saturday, November 15, 1884, an international conference was opened by the Chancellor of the newly-created German Empire at his official residence on Wilhelmstrasse, in Berlin.

Sat around a horseshoe-shaped table in a room overlooking the garden with representatives from every European country, apart from Switzerland, as well as those from the United States and the Ottoman Empire.

The only clue as to the purpose of the November gathering of White men was hung on the wall-- a large map of Africa "drooping down like a question mark" as Nigerian historian, Professor Godfrey Uzoigwe, would comment.

Including a short break for Christmas and the New Year, the West African Conference of Berlin would last 104 days, ending on February 26, 1885. In the 135 years since, the conference has come to represent the late 19th-century European Scramble and Partition of the continent.

In the popular imagination, the delegates are hunched over a map, armed with rulers and pencils, sketching out national borders on the continent with no idea of what existed on the ground they were parcelling out.

Yet this is mistaken. The Berlin Conference did not begin the scramble. That was well under way. Neither did it partition the continent. Only one state, the short-lived horror that was the Congo Free State, came out of it-- though strictly speaking, it was not actually a creation of the conference.

It did something much worse, though, with consequences that would reverberate across the years and be felt until today. It established the rules for the conquest and partition of Africa, in the process legitimising the ideas of Africa as a playground for outsiders, its mineral wealth as a resource for the outside world not for Africans and its fate as a matter not to be left to Africans.

From the very start, the conference laid out the order of priorities. "The Powers are in the presence of three interests: That of the commercial and industrial nations, which a common necessity compels to the research of new outlets. That of the States and of the Powers summoned to exercise over the regions of the Congo an authority which will have burdens corresponding to their rights.

And, lastly, that which some generous voices have already commended to your solicitude-- the interests of the native populations." It also resolutely refused to consider the question of sovereignty, and the legitimacy of laying claim to someone else's land and resources.

Uzoigwe notes that: "Bismarck.….stated in his opening remarks that delegates had not been assembled to discuss matters of sovereignty either of African states or of the European powers in Africa."

It was no accident that there were no Africans at the table-- their opinions were not considered necessary. The efforts of the Sultan of Zanzibar to get himself invited to the party were summarily laughed off by the British.

American journalist Daniel De Leon described the conference as "an event unique in the history of political science.....Diplomatic in form, it was economic in fact." And it is true that while it was dressed up as a humanitarian summit to look at the welfare of locals, its agenda was almost purely economic.

Few on the continent or in the African diaspora were fooled. A week before it closed, the Lagos Observer declared that "the world had, perhaps, never witnessed a robbery on so large a scale." Six years later, another editor of a Lagos newspaper comparing the legacy conference to the slave trade said: "A forcible possession of our land has taken the place of a forcible possession of our person."

Theodore Holly, the first black Protestant Episcopal Bishop in the US, condemned the delegates as having "come together to enact into law, national rapine, robbery and murder." The outcome of the conference was the General Act signed and ratified by all but one of the 14 nations at the table, the US being the sole exception.

Some of its main features were the establishment of a regime of Free Trade stretching across the middle of Africa, the development of which became the rationale for the recognition of the Congo Free State and its subsequent 13-year horror, the abolition of the overland slave trade as well as the principle of "effective occupation".

Though the attempt to create a free trade area in Africa and therefore keep the continent from becoming both a spark for, and a theatre of conflict between the European powers, was ultimately doomed. The principle of "Effective Occupation" was to become the catalyst for military conquest of the African continent with far-reaching consequences for its inhabitants.

At the time of the conference, 80 percent of Africa remained under traditional and local control. The Europeans only had influence on the coast. Following it, they started grabbing chunks of land inland, ultimately creating a hodgepodge of geometric boundaries that was superimposed over indigenous cultures and regions of Africa.

However, to get their claims over African land accepted, European states had to demonstrate that they could actually administer the area. Often, military victory proved to be the easy part. To govern, they found they had to contend with a confusing milieu of fluid identities and cultures and languages. The Europeans thus set about reorganising Africans into units they could understand and control.

As Professor Terence Ranger noted, the colonial period was marked "by systematic inventions of African traditions - ethnicity, customary law, 'traditional' religion. Before colonialism Africa was characterised by pluralism, flexibility, multiple identity; after it, African identities of 'tribe', gender and generation were all bounded by the rigidities of invented tradition."

That first-ever international conference on Africa established a template for how the world deals with the continent. Today, Africa is still seen primarily as a source for raw materials for the outside world and an arena for them to compete over.

Conferences about the continent are rarely held on the continent itself and rarely care about the views of ordinary Africans. The sight of African Heads of State assembling in foreign capitals to beg for favours is a re-enactment of the Sultan of Zanzibar's pleading to attend a conference where he would be the main course.

Despite achieving independence for the most part in the 1950s and 1960s, many African countries have continued along the destructive path laid out in Berlin.

Former Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere declared: "We have artificial 'nations' carved out at the Berlin Conference in 1884, and today we are struggling to build these nations into stable units of human society.....we are in danger of becoming the most Balkanised continent of the world."

Ethnicity and tribalism continue to be the bane of African politics. "The Berlin Conference was Africa's undoing in more ways than one," wrote Jan Nijman, Peter Muller and Harm de Blij in their book, Geography: Realms, Regions, and Concepts.

"The colonial powers superimposed their domains on the African continent. By the time independence returned to Africa…..the realm had acquired a legacy of political fragmentation that could neither be eliminated nor made to operate satisfactorily."

Now, 135 years after Berlin, it is perhaps time for introspection. While it is impossible to turn back the clock, Africans would do well to reflect on what has happened since. Teaching the real history of the subjugation of the continent would help counter the myths of "ancient hatreds" that are said to fuel the conflicts on the continent.

And Africans could decide to get together on the continent to debate and decide on the relationship they want with the rest of the world rather than always having that dictated to them from abroad.

We must know this history....so as to take a good decisions as Africans

INVITATION FOR PRESENTATION

Greetings Warriors

CAPTURED POLITICAL ENTITIES ARE DANGERS ARE DANGERS TO THE CAUSE

Judging from history, I have identified an unprecedented tendency by political entities of the world, and in Africa in particular, whereby the donors and funders tend to rule and control the political entity concerned behind the scenes by virtue of being the funders and/or donors in the entity. My concern is the ultimate deviation from the main objectives of the organisation concerned and the possible compromise of the moral standards of the political entity only to appease the funders to the detriment of the masses.

Captured political leaders and entities are danger to the cause.

As we are working on an emerging political movement for all Africans, we are prompted to thoroughly consider the policy that will regulate the financing of the Federal Movement by the third parties.

It is, therefore, a request to all interested members to help with ideas to shape the direction of Constitution to issue directives in matters of donors and funders of the Federal Movement.

Your contribution is highly appreciated .

Victor K Shango
Pres. & CIC of AWFM

A REAL MAN ALWAYS ADMIT THE TRUTH AND ACT APPROPRIATELY AFTERWARD!

To South Africans from A Zimbabwe Citizen in South Africa on Work Permit.

Let me declare from the onset that I have raised these issues before with my Collegues. My Conscience is Killing me. You are the Country’s Majority but you don’t Love Yourselves.

You have allowed Minority Groups and Foreigners (Black and White) to be in Charge in many Strategic Positions. You have no Control of Many Senior Governement Key Areas and Many Key SOEs. In fact SOEs are run by Us Foreigners Used by Your Indians and Coloureds. I say this with no Fear but with High Respect.

Unions in this Country are Failing Poor People. ANC Leaders are Failing You.

1. Eskom. The Most Powerful Person in The Group is A Lady From Sierra Leon.

Most of Lucrative Contracts at Eskom are given to Zimbabweans, Indians and Or White Big Companies. The rest are those you are well aware of, such as Luthuli House Linked Businesses. This is known to you but you do not have energy to do something about it.

Eskom woes are know to Pravin Ghordan. He has been part of the Problem at Eskom and there is no way you can create a Problem and be a Solution.
This is known to Mr Ramaphosa. No decision taken by Board or CEO was not permitted by the War Room, Minister, Pravin as the Section 54 always required the concurrence of Minister of Finance. So if Eskom is Destroyed Blame it to Cyril who chaired the War Room and Pravin.

You have all seen the Minutes where Peter Bruce of the eNCA, Cyril, Gwede, Glassenburg of Glencoe were part of. Those are facts. You are not doing anything. How else can you solve your country’s Problems if you do not take Action against your own Leaders.

2. Sanral. This is one of the most corrupt SOE, but shielded by the Board. You hear nothing about SANRAL. None of you ever asked why OUTA has gone silent on e-Tolls attacks. False reporting is the order of the day and restating of their financial statements has happened m