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āĻ­āĻžāĻ™āĻĄāĻŧ āĻ•āϞ⧇āĻœā§‡ āĻļāĻžāϏāĻ•āĻĻāϞ⧇āϰ āĻŽāĻĻāϤ⧇ āĻ›āĻžāĻ¤ā§āϰāĻ›āĻžāĻ¤ā§āϰ⧀āĻĻ⧇āϰ āĻ“āĻĒāϰ āĻĒ⧁āϞāĻŋāĻļāĻŋ āφāĻ•ā§āϰāĻŽāĻŖāϕ⧇ āϧāĻŋāĻ•ā§āĻ•āĻžāϰ āϜāĻžāύāĻŋāϝāĻŧ⧇ āĻ­āĻžāϰāϤ⧇āϰ āĻ›āĻžāĻ¤ā§āϰ āĻĢ⧇āĻĄāĻžāϰ⧇āĻļāύ āĻĒā§āϰ⧇āϏāĻŋāĻĄā§‡āĻ¨ā§āϏāĻŋ āĻŦāĻŋāĻļā§āĻŦāĻŦāĻŋāĻĻ...
23/09/2026

āĻ­āĻžāĻ™āĻĄāĻŧ āĻ•āϞ⧇āĻœā§‡ āĻļāĻžāϏāĻ•āĻĻāϞ⧇āϰ āĻŽāĻĻāϤ⧇ āĻ›āĻžāĻ¤ā§āϰāĻ›āĻžāĻ¤ā§āϰ⧀āĻĻ⧇āϰ āĻ“āĻĒāϰ āĻĒ⧁āϞāĻŋāĻļāĻŋ āφāĻ•ā§āϰāĻŽāĻŖāϕ⧇ āϧāĻŋāĻ•ā§āĻ•āĻžāϰ āϜāĻžāύāĻŋāϝāĻŧ⧇ āĻ­āĻžāϰāϤ⧇āϰ āĻ›āĻžāĻ¤ā§āϰ āĻĢ⧇āĻĄāĻžāϰ⧇āĻļāύ āĻĒā§āϰ⧇āϏāĻŋāĻĄā§‡āĻ¨ā§āϏāĻŋ āĻŦāĻŋāĻļā§āĻŦāĻŦāĻŋāĻĻā§āϝāĻžāϞāϝāĻŧ āχāωāύāĻŋāĻŸā§‡āϰ āĻĒāĻ•ā§āώ āĻĨ⧇āϕ⧇ āĻŦāĻŋāĻ•ā§āώ⧋āĻ­ āĻ•āĻ°ā§āĻŽāϏ⧂āϚāĻŋ āύ⧇āĻ“āϝāĻŧāĻž āĻšāϞ āĻ“ āĻ•ā§āϝāĻžāĻŽā§āĻĒāĻžāϏ āϜ⧁āĻĄāĻŧ⧇ āĻĒā§‹āĻ¸ā§āϟāĻžāϰāĻŋāĻ‚ āĻ•āϰāĻž āĻšāϞāĨ¤ āϏ⧁āϰāĻ•ā§āώāĻŋāϤ, āĻ—āĻŖāϤāĻžāĻ¨ā§āĻ¤ā§āϰāĻŋāĻ• āĻ•ā§āϝāĻžāĻŽā§āĻĒāĻžāϏ⧇āϰ āĻĻāĻžāĻŦāĻŋāϤ⧇ āφāĻŽāĻžāĻĻ⧇āϰ āϞāĻĄāĻŧāĻžāχ āϚāϞāĻŦ⧇āĨ¤

23/09/2026
āĻ­āĻžāĻ™āĻĄāĻŧ āĻ•āϞ⧇āĻœā§‡ āĻ›āĻžāĻ¤ā§āϰāĻ›āĻžāĻ¤ā§āϰ⧀āĻĻ⧇āϰ āωāĻĒāϰ āĻĒ⧁āϞāĻŋāĻļāĻŋ āĻšāĻžāĻŽāϞāĻž āĻ“ āφāĻ•ā§āϰāĻŽāĻŖāϕ⧇ āϧāĻŋāĻ•ā§āĻ•āĻžāϰ!
22/09/2026

āĻ­āĻžāĻ™āĻĄāĻŧ āĻ•āϞ⧇āĻœā§‡ āĻ›āĻžāĻ¤ā§āϰāĻ›āĻžāĻ¤ā§āϰ⧀āĻĻ⧇āϰ āωāĻĒāϰ āĻĒ⧁āϞāĻŋāĻļāĻŋ āĻšāĻžāĻŽāϞāĻž āĻ“ āφāĻ•ā§āϰāĻŽāĻŖāϕ⧇ āϧāĻŋāĻ•ā§āĻ•āĻžāϰ!

14/09/2026
āĻŦāĻŋāĻļā§āĻŦāĻŦāĻŋāĻĻā§āϝāĻžāĻ˛ā§Ÿā§‡āϰ āĻ¸ā§āĻŦāĻžāϧ⧀āĻ•āĻžāϰ āĻ–āĻ°ā§āĻŦāĻ•āĻžāϰ⧀ āĻ…āĻ—āĻŖāϤāĻžāĻ¨ā§āĻ¤ā§āϰāĻŋāĻ• ‘āĻŦāĻŋāĻļā§āĻŦāĻŦāĻŋāĻĻā§āϝāĻžāϞ⧟ āĻŸā§āϰāĻžāĻ¨ā§āϏāĻĢāĻžāϰ āĻŦāĻŋāĻ˛â€™-āϰ āĻŦāĻŋāϰ⧁āĻĻā§āϧ⧇ SFI āĻ•āϞāĻ•āĻžāϤāĻž āĻœā§‡āϞāĻžāϰ āĻ—āĻŖ āĻ•āύāϭ⧇āύāĻļāύ⧇ āĻŦ...
14/09/2026

āĻŦāĻŋāĻļā§āĻŦāĻŦāĻŋāĻĻā§āϝāĻžāĻ˛ā§Ÿā§‡āϰ āĻ¸ā§āĻŦāĻžāϧ⧀āĻ•āĻžāϰ āĻ–āĻ°ā§āĻŦāĻ•āĻžāϰ⧀ āĻ…āĻ—āĻŖāϤāĻžāĻ¨ā§āĻ¤ā§āϰāĻŋāĻ• ‘āĻŦāĻŋāĻļā§āĻŦāĻŦāĻŋāĻĻā§āϝāĻžāϞ⧟ āĻŸā§āϰāĻžāĻ¨ā§āϏāĻĢāĻžāϰ āĻŦāĻŋāĻ˛â€™-āϰ āĻŦāĻŋāϰ⧁āĻĻā§āϧ⧇ SFI āĻ•āϞāĻ•āĻžāϤāĻž āĻœā§‡āϞāĻžāϰ āĻ—āĻŖ āĻ•āύāϭ⧇āύāĻļāύ⧇ āĻŦāĻ•ā§āϤāĻŦā§āϝ āϰāĻžāĻ–āϛ⧇āύ SFI āĻĒā§āϰ⧇āϏāĻŋāĻĄā§‡āĻ¨ā§āϏāĻŋ āĻŦāĻŋāĻļā§āĻŦāĻŦāĻŋāĻĻā§āϝāĻžāϞāϝāĻŧ āχāωāύāĻŋāĻŸā§‡āϰ āϏāĻš āϏāĻ­āĻžāĻĒāϤāĻŋ āĻ•āĻŽāϰ⧇āĻĄ āĻŦāĻŋāĻŦ⧇āĻ• āϏāϰāĻ•āĻžāϰāĨ¤

āĻŦāĻŋāĻļā§āĻŦāĻŦāĻŋāĻĻā§āϝāĻžāĻ˛ā§Ÿā§‡āϰ āĻ¸ā§āĻŦāĻžāϧ⧀āĻ•āĻžāϰ āĻ–āĻ°ā§āĻŦāĻ•āĻžāϰ⧀ āĻ…āĻ—āĻŖāϤāĻžāĻ¨ā§āĻ¤ā§āϰāĻŋāĻ• ‘āĻŦāĻŋāĻļā§āĻŦāĻŦāĻŋāĻĻā§āϝāĻžāϞ⧟ āĻŸā§āϰāĻžāĻ¨ā§āϏāĻĢāĻžāϰ āĻŦāĻŋāĻ˛â€™-āϰ āĻŦāĻŋāϰ⧁āĻĻā§āϧ⧇ SFI āĻ•āϞāĻ•āĻžāϤāĻž āĻœā§‡āϞāĻžāϰ āĻ—āĻŖ āĻ•āύāϭ⧇āύāĻļāύ⧇ āĻŦ...
14/09/2026

āĻŦāĻŋāĻļā§āĻŦāĻŦāĻŋāĻĻā§āϝāĻžāĻ˛ā§Ÿā§‡āϰ āĻ¸ā§āĻŦāĻžāϧ⧀āĻ•āĻžāϰ āĻ–āĻ°ā§āĻŦāĻ•āĻžāϰ⧀ āĻ…āĻ—āĻŖāϤāĻžāĻ¨ā§āĻ¤ā§āϰāĻŋāĻ• ‘āĻŦāĻŋāĻļā§āĻŦāĻŦāĻŋāĻĻā§āϝāĻžāϞ⧟ āĻŸā§āϰāĻžāĻ¨ā§āϏāĻĢāĻžāϰ āĻŦāĻŋāĻ˛â€™-āϰ āĻŦāĻŋāϰ⧁āĻĻā§āϧ⧇ SFI āĻ•āϞāĻ•āĻžāϤāĻž āĻœā§‡āϞāĻžāϰ āĻ—āĻŖ āĻ•āύāϭ⧇āύāĻļāύ⧇ āĻŦāĻ•ā§āϤāĻŦā§āϝ āϰāĻžāĻ–āϛ⧇āύ SFI āĻĒā§āϰ⧇āϏāĻŋāĻĄā§‡āĻ¨ā§āϏāĻŋ āĻŦāĻŋāĻļā§āĻŦāĻŦāĻŋāĻĻā§āϝāĻžāϞāϝāĻŧ āχāωāύāĻŋāĻŸā§‡āϰ āϏāĻŽā§āĻĒāĻžāĻĻāĻ• āĻ•āĻŽāϰ⧇āĻĄ āωāώāĻžāĻļā§āϰ⧀ āĻŽāĻŋāĻ¤ā§āϰāĨ¤

āϝāϤ⧀āĻ¨ā§āĻĻā§āϰāύāĻžāĻĨ āĻĻāĻžāϏ⧇āϰ āϜāĻ¨ā§āĻŽ ⧧⧝ā§Ļā§Ē āϏāĻžāϞ⧇ āĻ•āϞāĻ•āĻžāϤāĻžāϝāĻŧāĨ¤ āĻŽā§āϝāĻžāĻŸā§āϰāĻŋāĻ• āĻĒāĻžāĻļ āĻ•āϰ⧇ āϤāĻŋāύāĻŋ āĻ…āύ⧁āĻļā§€āϞāύ āϏāĻŽāĻŋāϤāĻŋāϤ⧇ āϝ⧋āĻ— āĻĻāĻŋāϝāĻŧ⧇āĻ›āĻŋāϞ⧇āύ, āĻāĻŦāĻ‚ āĻāĻ•āχ āϏāĻžāĻĨ⧇,āĻ…āĻ‚āĻļāĻ—ā§āϰāĻšāĻŖ ...
13/09/2026

āϝāϤ⧀āĻ¨ā§āĻĻā§āϰāύāĻžāĻĨ āĻĻāĻžāϏ⧇āϰ āϜāĻ¨ā§āĻŽ ⧧⧝ā§Ļā§Ē āϏāĻžāϞ⧇ āĻ•āϞāĻ•āĻžāϤāĻžāϝāĻŧāĨ¤ āĻŽā§āϝāĻžāĻŸā§āϰāĻŋāĻ• āĻĒāĻžāĻļ āĻ•āϰ⧇ āϤāĻŋāύāĻŋ āĻ…āύ⧁āĻļā§€āϞāύ āϏāĻŽāĻŋāϤāĻŋāϤ⧇ āϝ⧋āĻ— āĻĻāĻŋāϝāĻŧ⧇āĻ›āĻŋāϞ⧇āύ, āĻāĻŦāĻ‚ āĻāĻ•āχ āϏāĻžāĻĨ⧇,āĻ…āĻ‚āĻļāĻ—ā§āϰāĻšāĻŖ āĻ•āϰ⧇āύ āĻ…āϏāĻšāϝ⧋āĻ— āφāĻ¨ā§āĻĻā§‹āϞāύ⧇āĨ¤ āϏ⧇āχ āϏāĻŽā§Ÿā§‡, āφāĻ¨ā§āĻĻā§‹āϞāύ⧇ āĻ…āĻ‚āĻļāĻ—ā§āϰāĻšāϪ⧇āϰ āϜāĻ¨ā§āϝ āϤāĻžāϕ⧇ āĻŦāĻ¨ā§āĻĻāĻŋ āĻ•āϰ⧇ āĻŦā§āϰāĻŋāϟāĻŋāĻļ āϏāϰāĻ•āĻžāϰāĨ¤ ⧧⧝⧍⧧ āϏāĻžāϞ⧇, āĻœā§‡āϞ⧇ āĻĨāĻžāĻ•āĻžāĻ•āĻžāϞ⧀āύ āĻŦāĻ¨ā§āĻĻāĻŋāĻĻ⧇āϰ āĻĻ⧁āϰāĻŦāĻ¸ā§āĻĨāĻžāϰ āĻŦāĻŋāϰ⧁āĻĻā§āϧ⧇ āϤāĻŋāύāĻŋ ⧍⧧ āĻĻāĻŋāύ⧇āϰ āĻ…āύāĻļāύ āĻ•āϰ⧇āύāĨ¤ āĻĒāϰāĻŦāĻ°ā§āϤ⧀ āϏāĻŽā§Ÿā§‡ āϤāĻŋāύāĻŋ āĻšāĻŋāĻ¨ā§āĻĻ⧁āĻ¸ā§āϤāĻžāύ āϏ⧋āĻļā§āϝāĻžāϞāĻŋāĻ¸ā§āϟ āϰāĻŋāĻĒāĻžāĻŦāϞāĻŋāĻ•āĻžāύ āĻ…ā§āϝāĻžāϏ⧋āϏāĻŋāϝāĻŧ⧇āĻļāύ⧇āϰ āϏāĻžāĻĨ⧇ āϝ⧁āĻ•ā§āϤ āĻšā§‹āύāĨ¤ ⧧⧝⧍⧝ āϏāĻžāϞ⧇ āĻĒāĻžāĻžā§āϜāĻžāĻŦ āφāχāύāϏāĻ­āĻžāϝāĻŧ āĻ­āĻ—āϤ āϏāĻŋāĻ‚āĻš, āϰāĻžāϜāϗ⧁āϰ⧁, āϏ⧁āĻ–āĻĻ⧇āĻŦ āϝ⧇āχ āĻŦā§‹āĻŽāĻž āύāĻŋāĻ•ā§āώ⧇āĻĒ āĻ•āϰ⧇āύ, āϏāĻžāĻŽā§āϰāĻžāĻœā§āϝāĻŦāĻžāĻĻ⧇āϰ āĻŦāĻŋāϰ⧁āĻĻā§āϧ⧇ āĻĒā§āϰāϤāĻŋāĻŦāĻžāĻĻ āĻ•āϰ⧇, āϏāĻŽāĻžāϜāϤāĻ¨ā§āĻ¤ā§āϰ⧇āϰ āĻŦāĻžāĻ°ā§āϤāĻž āĻĒ⧌āρāĻ›āĻžāϤ⧇, āϏ⧇āχ āĻŦā§‹āĻŽāĻž āϤ⧈āϰāĻŋ āĻ•āϰ⧇āύ āϤāĻŋāύāĻŋāĨ¤ āϏ⧇āχ āĻ•āĻžāϰāϪ⧇ āϤāĻžāρāϕ⧇ āĻ—ā§āϰ⧇āĻĢāϤāĻžāϰ āĻ•āϰāĻž āĻšā§Ÿ, āĻāĻŦāĻ‚ āϞāĻžāĻšā§‹āϰ āĻœā§‡āϞ⧇ āĻĒāĻžāĻ āĻžāύ⧋ āĻšā§ŸāĨ¤ āϏ⧇āχāϏāĻŽā§Ÿā§‡ āĻœā§‡āϞ⧇ āĻĒāϰāĻŋāĻŦ⧇āĻļ āĻ…āĻ¤ā§āϝāĻ¨ā§āϤ āĻ…āĻ¸ā§āĻŦāĻžāĻ¸ā§āĻĨā§āϝāĻ•āϰ āĻ›āĻŋāϞāĨ¤ āϤāĻžāϰ āĻ“āĻĒāϰ, āĻ­āĻžāϰāϤ⧀āϝāĻŧ āĻŦāĻ¨ā§āĻĻāĻŋ āĻāĻŦāĻ‚ āĻŦāĻŋāĻĻ⧇āĻļā§€ āĻŦāĻ¨ā§āĻĻāĻŋāĻĻ⧇āϰ āϭ⧇āϤāϰ āϝāĻĨ⧇āĻˇā§āϟ āϭ⧇āĻĻāĻžāϭ⧇āĻĻ āĻ•āϰāĻž āĻšāϤāĨ¤ āϏ⧇āχ āĻŦ⧈āώāĻŽā§āϝāϰ āĻŦāĻŋāϰ⧋āϧāĻŋāϤāĻž āĻ•āϰ⧇ āϝāϤ⧀āĻ¨ā§āĻĻā§āϰāύāĻžāĻĨ āĻĻāĻžāϏ, āĻāĻŦāĻ‚ āφāĻŽāϰāĻŖ āĻ…āύāĻļāύ āĻļ⧁āϰ⧁ āĻ•āϰ⧇āύāĨ¤ āĻļ⧇āώ āĻ…āĻŦāϧāĻŋ, ā§Ŧā§Š āĻĻāĻŋāύ āĻ…āύāĻļāύ āĻ•āϰ⧇ ā§§ā§Š āϏ⧇āĻĒā§āĻŸā§‡āĻŽā§āĻŦāϰ ⧧⧝⧍⧝ āϏāĻžāϞ⧇ āϤāĻŋāύāĻŋ āĻļāĻšā§€āĻĻ āĻšā§‹āύāĨ¤
āϝāϤ⧀āĻ¨ā§āĻĻā§āϰāύāĻžāĻĨ āĻĻāĻžāϏ āĻĻ⧇āĻ–āĻŋā§Ÿā§‡āĻ›āĻŋāϞ⧇āύ, āĻ•āĻŋāĻ­āĻžāĻŦ⧇ āĻ…āĻ¨ā§āϝāĻžā§Ÿā§‡āϰ āϏāĻžāĻĨ⧇ āĻšā§‹āϖ⧇ āĻšā§‹āĻ– āϰ⧇āϖ⧇ āϞāĻĄāĻŧāĻžāχ āϚāĻžāϞāĻžāϤ⧇ āĻšā§ŸāĨ¤ āĻĒ⧁āρāϜāĻŋāĻŦāĻžāĻĻā§€, āϏāĻžāĻŽā§āϰāĻžāĻœā§āϝāĻŦāĻžāĻĻā§€ āϏāĻŽāĻžāϜ āĻŦā§āϝāĻŦāĻ¸ā§āĻĨāĻžāϰ āĻĻā§āĻŦāĻžāϰāĻž āϏ⧃āĻˇā§āϟ āĻ…āϏāĻžāĻŽā§āϝ⧇āϰ āĻŦāĻŋāϰ⧁āĻĻā§āϧ⧇ āϞ⧜āĻžāĻ‡ā§Ÿā§‡āϰ āϰāĻžāĻ¸ā§āϤāĻž āĻĻ⧇āĻ–āĻŋā§Ÿā§‡āĻ›āĻŋāϞ⧇āύ āϤāĻŋāύāĻŋāĨ¤ āĻŦāĻ°ā§āϤāĻŽāĻžāύ āϏāĻŽā§Ÿā§‡, āϝāĻ–āύ āĻ›āĻžāĻ¤ā§āϰāϏāĻŽāĻžāϜ āύāĻŋāĻœā§‡āĻĻ⧇āϰ āĻĒā§āϰāϤāĻŋ āϘāϟāĻž āĻ…āĻ¨ā§āϝāĻžā§Ÿ, āĻĻ⧁āĻ°ā§āύ⧀āϤāĻŋ, āĻ…āĻŦāĻŋāϚāĻžāϰ⧇āϰ āĻŦāĻŋāϚāĻžāϰ āĻšā§‡ā§Ÿā§‡ āϰāĻžāĻ¸ā§āϤāĻžāϝāĻŧ āύāĻžāĻŽā§‡, āϝāĻ–āύ āϰāĻžāĻˇā§āĻŸā§āϰ⧇āϰ āĻšā§‹āϖ⧇ āϤāĻžāϰāĻž āĻļ⧁āϧ⧁āĻŽāĻžāĻ¤ā§āϰ "āĻļā§‹āώāϪ⧇āϰ āĻŦāĻ¸ā§āϤ⧁" āύāĻž āĻšāϤ⧇ āϚāĻžā§Ÿ, āĻāĻŦāĻ‚ āϤāĻžāĻĻ⧇āϰ āĻœā§‹āĻŸā§‡ āĻĻ⧇āĻļāĻĻā§āϰ⧋āĻšā§€āϰ āϤāĻ•āĻŽāĻž, āϤāĻ–āύ āĻ›āĻžāĻ¤ā§āϰāϏāĻŽāĻžāĻœā§‡āϰ āĻŽā§āĻ– āĻšā§Ÿā§‡ āĻ“āϠ⧇ āϝāϤ⧀āĻ¨ā§āĻĻā§āϰāύāĻžāĻĨ āĻĻāĻžāϏāĨ¤

Jatindranath Das, popularly known as Jatin Das, holds an important place in the history of India’s anti-colonial struggle. Born in 1904, he became involved in revolutionary politics at a young age and later came into contact with the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association. His name became closely associated with the Lahore Conspiracy Case of 1929, when he joined Bhagat Singh and other political prisoners in a hunger strike against the discriminatory and inhuman conditions in British jails. The hunger strike was a political protest demanding dignity and equal treatment for Indian political prisoners. Jatin Das remained firm in his position for 63 days, refusing to give in despite the severe effect on his health. His death on 13 September 1929 in Lahore Jail exposed the harsh character of colonial prison administration and turned the issue of political prisoners into a matter of public concern. His sacrifice showed how revolutionary politics could challenge British authority not only through armed resistance, but also through determined acts of political protest.

The importance of Jatin Das’s martyrdom can be understood from the enormous response it created across India. Thousands of people joined the procession carrying his body from Lahore towards Calcutta which was a remarkable expression of national solidarity and anti-colonial feeling. His life reminds that India's Independence was achieved through courage and sacrifices of innumerable young people who refused to be silent under the British Imperial Rule. At a time when India’s independence movement was being shaped by different forms of resistance, Jatin Das became a powerful symbol of courage, political conviction and opposition to imperial rule. With his death at the age of 25, his sacrifice became a part of the larger history of India’s freedom struggle. On his death anniversary, we rememberJatin Das not only as a young revolutionary who gave his life in a colonial prison, but also the spirit of resistance that challenged the very foundations of British rule in India.

The death anniversary of Sitaram Yechury is not merely to remember a political leader; it is a moment to reflect upon th...
12/09/2026

The death anniversary of Sitaram Yechury is not merely to remember a political leader; it is a moment to reflect upon the political convictions that shaped his life. Yechury belonged to a generation that had shaped politics not as a pursuit of power, but as a struggle over the meaning of democracy, secularism and social justice. As a leader of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), he consistently opposed communal polarisation, authoritarianism and the politics of hatred. His politics emerged from the conviction that democracy cannot survive when inequality becomes normal and when religion is weaponised for political gain. His interventions in Parliament and public life carried the intellectual weight of a Marxist who believed that political argument must be rooted in history, reason and the material realities of ordinary people.

To remember Yechury, therefore, is also to remember the questions he repeatedly placed before Indian society: Whose democracy is it? Who benefits from economic growth? What happens to secularism when communalism becomes an instrument of state power? His politics was firmly located on the side of workers, peasants, students and the marginalised. He combined ideological commitment with an ability to engage with political opponents without surrendering his principles. In an age increasingly dominated by spectacle and political absolutism, his insistence on dialogue, constitutional values and class politics remains significant. His death leaves a considerable void in the organised Left, but his political legacy cannot be reduced to the memory of one individual. To remember Sitaram Yechury is, ultimately, to remember that politics must remain a struggle for a more equal and democratic society.

āϜāĻŽāĻžāϝāĻŧ⧇āϤ āĻ“ āĻŦāĻŋāĻ•ā§āώ⧋āĻ­ āĻ•āĻ°ā§āĻŽāϏ⧂āϚāĻŋāĨ¤ āφāĻ—āĻžāĻŽā§€āĻ•āĻžāϞ,āĻĒā§āϰāĻžāĻ™ā§āĻ—āĻŖ, āĻĻ⧁āĻĒ⧁āϰ⧇ ā§§.⧍ā§Ļ
10/09/2026

āϜāĻŽāĻžāϝāĻŧ⧇āϤ āĻ“ āĻŦāĻŋāĻ•ā§āώ⧋āĻ­ āĻ•āĻ°ā§āĻŽāϏ⧂āϚāĻŋāĨ¤

āφāĻ—āĻžāĻŽā§€āĻ•āĻžāϞ,
āĻĒā§āϰāĻžāĻ™ā§āĻ—āĻŖ, āĻĻ⧁āĻĒ⧁āϰ⧇ ā§§.⧍ā§Ļ

On the death anniversary of Mao Zedong, we remember him not merely as a revolutionary leader, but one of the most conseq...
09/09/2026

On the death anniversary of Mao Zedong, we remember him not merely as a revolutionary leader, but one of the most consequential figures of the 20th struggle against imperialism, feudalism and exploitation. Mao emerged from a China plunged by poverty, foreign domination and deep social inequality, and transformed the revolutionary potential of peasants and workers into a powerful political force. His politics rested on the conviction that history is not simply made by rulers and elites, but by ordinary people who organise and struggle for their emancipation. His leadership of the Chinese Revolution challenged imperialist power and established the People’s Republic of China in 1949. For millions across the colonised world, Mao became a symbol of resistance and the possibility of breaking with systems built upon exploitation.

Remembering Mao politically also requires to be aware that revolutions must be examined critically and not be turned into unquestionable mythology. The history of Maoist China contains immense achievements as well as grave errors, contradictions and human costs. His legacy therefore remains a subject of intense debate among historians and political movements. What continues to make Mao politically significant is the question he placed at the centre of history: who holds power, and in whose interests is that power exercised? On his death anniversary, the most meaningful remembrance is not blind glorification, but a serious engagement with his ideas, achievements and failures, while keeping alive the struggle against imperialism, exploitation and every form of oppression and that his death did not end those questions.

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