10/21/2026
以互利共榮的台灣模式 成為歐洲再工業化最值得信賴的夥伴
在波蘭第二天，佳龍應邀出席 #華沙安全論壇（Warsaw Security Forum）發表專題演講，與歐洲各界朋友分享，台灣如何與歐洲攜手面對各項挑戰。
去年，我在海牙戰略研究中心（HCSS)談歐洲再工業化，也首次在華沙安全論壇談歐洲再武裝所需要的民主供應鏈；今年在布拉格GLOBSEC論壇，則談AI時代的工業5.0，這些議題彼此相連。
當俄羅斯侵略烏克蘭，提醒了每個民主國家，和平與主權需要彼此團結守護。這幾年，中國透過國家補貼與不公平競爭，嚴重衝擊歐洲產業，也帶來供應鏈依賴的風險。同時，快速發展的AI科技，決定下一個世代的產業競爭力，從安全、經濟到科技，台灣與歐洲都共同面對的課題。
我在演講中強調，台灣與歐洲共享民主、自由、人權與法治，科技與產業也互補互利。歐洲在工業機械、汽車工程、化學與設計等領域具有優勢，台灣則能提供半導體、關鍵零組件與製造生態系，攜手打造具有競爭力的產品。
這就是我所說的「台灣模式」。以共同價值建立信任，以法治為基礎推動科技創新，在自由開放的市場中追求互利與共榮。
這次我也實地考察電電公會在波蘭「TEEMA科技園區」的規劃，就是推進台歐合作的具體一步。透過AI、智慧城市及電動車等領域的合作，為歐洲再工業化注入動能，也為未來攜手參與烏克蘭重建建立基礎。
感謝華沙安全論壇主席皮薩斯卡（Katarzyna Pisarska）的再度邀請。透過一場場演講交流與具體行動，台灣正與歐洲夥伴攜手擘劃未來產業的新藍圖，共同打造更加繁榮、安全與自由的未來。
🔶完整演說內容—
Distinguished guests;
Ladies and gentlemen:
It is a great pleasure to revisit the Warsaw Security Forum again. I would like to express my gratitude to Chair Pisarska for her kind invitation.
Few nations understand better than Poland what it means to safeguard security and defend freedom against overwhelming odds. And few have earned, through hard experience, a clearer view of the difference between partners you can trust and powers you cannot. Today, Poland stands at the industrial and strategic center of a new Europe. That is why I keep returning to this continent and to this forum.
On each visit, I have carried much the same message. Last year, at the Hague Centre for Strategic Studies, I spoke about Taiwan’s role in the reindustrialization of Europe. Here at the Warsaw Security Forum, I discussed howdemocratic supply chains can help rearm Europe. This year, at GLOBSEC in Prague, I spoke about building a new partnership for the age of industry 5.0—of a future where industry is shaped by AI. Reindustrialization, rearmament, and industry 5.0 are three parts of a single effort—and in each of them, Taiwan and Europe are natural partners.
To understand why that partnership matters so much, and why it matters now, we must addressthree great challenges: security, economy and technology.
I. Three challenges, one conclusion
The first is security. Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine has shattered the illusion that peace can be taken for granted. It has redrawn the map of European security. It has exposed the danger of depending on an authoritarian energy supplier, and reminded every democracy that sovereignty must be defended and never taken for granted. What is happening in Ukraine isshaping the security of Warsaw, of Berlin, of Paris—and, indeed, of Taipei. In an interconnected world, the front lines of freedom are no longer separated by geographical landscape.
The second challenge is economic. Europe is now confronting what economists have called China shock 2.0. The first shock, two decades ago, hollowed out manufacturing and cost millions of jobs across the industrialized world. This second shock is larger, and comes with a more strategic aim. It involves a flood of state-subsidized electric vehicles, batteries, solar panels, and steel being sold below cost in a bid to capture markets, break competitors, and make Europe dependent. Instead of comparative advantages, it is industrial power being weaponized against European workers, factories, and communities.
The third is technological. With the rise of AI, we are living through the fastest technological transformation in modern history. AI will decide which economies lead the 21st century and which fall behind. So, the question Europe must answer is direct and urgent: How can Europe not merely catch up, but compete, and even lead, in the age of AI?
These three challenges point to a single conclusion. Europe, like many others, cannot tackle these challenges alone. Nor can it meet them by relying on those who wish it weak. Europe has already learned, at great cost, that it cannot depend on Russian energy. It must now appreciate—before the cost grows greater still—that it cannot depend on Chinese manufacturing. And it must build what no outside power can ever supply: genuine technological sovereignty, including its own AI capacity. Security of supply, security of technology, security of values—these are the true pillars of what Europe rightly calls its strategic autonomy. But strategic autonomy does not mean isolation. It means the freedom to choose your partners, and to choose them wisely.
II. Where Taiwan comes in: complementary strength
This is where Taiwan comes in. Taiwan sits at the center of the world’s most cutting-edge supply chains. We make the overwhelming majority of the most advanced semiconductors. We are a global powerhouse in electronics andprecision manufacturing. We produce the very hardware on which AI runs.
Our strengths are not a threat to Europe’s; they are complementary to them. Where Europe leads in industrial machinery, automotive engineering, chemicals, and design, Taiwan brings the chips, the components, and the manufacturing ecosystem that can turn European ambition into finished, competitive products. For a continent determined to revive its industry and hold its edge, that complementarity is critical.
III. The Taiwan model: trust and partnership in action
Taiwan offers something more than just know-how. We offer trust. Taiwan and Europe share the values that matter most: democracy, freedom, human rights, and the rule of law. This is the essence of the Taiwan model—a model of trust built on shared values; of technological innovation grounded in the rule of law; of respect for human rights and environmental protection; and of mutual benefit, pursued under the principles of a free and open market. The Taiwan model has helped power innovation and prosperity in Silicon Valley. And it can do the same for Europe, too.
I am not talking here in the abstract. Consider what is already happening: TSMC is investing in Germany, bringing advanced chipmaking into the heart of European industry. GlobalWafers is investing in Italy, strengthening Europe’s foundation in semiconductor materials. And Foxconn is investing in advanced packaging in France—one of the most critical frontiers of the AI era. In every case, the purpose is the same: partnership, not replacement.
Taiwanese investment does not come to hollow out European industry; it comes to build alongside it. It is creating jobs, passing on expertise, and deepening industrial ecosystemshere on European soil. This is reindustrialization in practice. And it is making a direct contributionto Europe’s strategic autonomy.
IV. The China model: dominance, not mutual benefit
Now contrast this with the alternative—the China model—because the difference could not be starker. The China model does not play by the rules of the world trading system. It relies on massive state subsidies and unfair, nonmarket practices to undercut and overwhelm European competitors.
Its aim is not mutual benefit; it is dominance—to make Europe dependent and to control European markets, and ultimately, reduce a continent to the status of an economic dependency. And because China’s authoritarian ideology is fundamentally incompatible with Europe’s democracy, dependence on China is not merely an economic risk. It is a threat to European freedom and sovereignty itself. A Europe controlled through its supply chains would be a Europe that hadsurrendered part of its liberty.
Taiwan understands this conundrum better than anyone, because we live with this type of threatevery single day. As we defend our national security with unwavering determination, we have built an economy and a technological base that cannot be manipulated or held hostage by Beijing. That is exactly why Taiwan and Europe are natural partners. We face the same pressure. And we have resolved to answer in the same way.
V. Why Poland: the TEEMA Technology Park
That brings me back to why I stand here, in Poland. The great industrial centers of Europe—the nations of the Weimar Triangle: France, Germany, and Poland—face the same severe test. On defense, it is the threat of Russia. On economic security, it is the shock of China. These are not two separate dangers; they are two aspects of the same challenge to Europe’s freedom and prosperity.
Taiwan wants to be part of the solution. We are advancing plans to establish the TEEMATechnology Park—a science park here in Poland. This will bring Taiwan’s industrial strength, and its full ecosystem, into the industrial heartland of Europe. Through the Taiwan model, we aim to support Europe’s development in electric vehicles, smart cities, and AI. It can become a foundation on which Taiwan contributes to European efforts to reconstruct Ukraine—turning shared values into shared rebuilding.
VI. Conclusion: building a shared future on trust
Let me close with this. AI is an industrial revolution of historic scale. The core of this revolution runs through Taiwan. Europe’s reindustrialization must not aim merely to restore the industry of the past. It must build the industry of the future—a reindustrialization driven by AI.
In the two and a half years since becoming Taiwan’s foreign minister, I have visited Europe eight times. On every visit, I have witnessed our partnership grow stronger and stronger. Our values are the same. Our economies and our technologies are complementary. Taiwan is not asking Europe to trade one dependence for another, we are standing with Europe as a partner it can truly trust.
So let us move forward, together. Let us meet the challenges of this century side by side, as the natural partners we are. Let us build upon the foundation of shared values and shared strength a future of prosperity, security, and freedom for both Taiwan and Europe. Thank you.
各位貴賓；各位女士、各位先生：
很榮幸能再次在華沙安全論壇發表演說，感謝皮薩斯卡主席的盛情邀請。
很少有國家比波蘭更明白，在強敵壓境、寡不敵眾之際守護安全、捍衛自由意味著什麼；也很少有國家像波蘭一樣，從艱辛的歷史經驗中，更清楚看見可以信賴的夥伴與不可信賴的強權之間的差別。今天，波蘭正站在新歐洲的產業與戰略中心。這也是我一再回到歐洲、回到這個論壇的原因。
每次來到歐洲，我傳達了一致的核心訊息。去年，我在海牙戰略研究中心（HCSS）談到台灣在歐洲再工業化中的角色；也在「華沙安全論壇」這裡，探討民主供應鏈如何協助歐洲重整軍備。今年，我在布拉格的「全球安全論壇」（GLOBSEC Forum），談到如何為工業5.0時代建立新的夥伴關係——一個由AI形塑產業的未來。再工業化、重整軍備與工業5.0，是同一份努力的三個面向；而在每一個面向上，台灣與歐洲都是天然的夥伴。
要理解這項夥伴關係為何如此重要、為何此刻尤其重要，我們必須正視三大挑戰：安全、經濟及科技。
一、三大挑戰，一個結論
第一是安全。俄羅斯對烏克蘭的侵略戰爭，粉碎了和平可以視為理所當然的幻想。這場戰爭改寫了歐洲安全的版圖，暴露了依賴威權能源供應者的危險，也提醒每一個民主國家：主權必須捍衛，絕不能視為理所當然。烏克蘭正在發生的一切，攸關華沙、柏林、巴黎的安全——事實上，也攸關台北的安全。在相互連結的世界裡，自由的前線不再因地緣格局而分隔。
第二是經濟。歐洲正面臨經濟學家所稱的「中國衝擊2.0」。二十年前的第一波衝擊，掏空了整個工業化世界的製造業，造成數百萬個工作機會流失。第二波衝擊規模更大，戰略意圖也更明確：大量由國家補貼的電動車、電池、太陽能板與鋼鐵，以低於成本的價格銷售，企圖搶占市場、擊垮競爭對手，並使歐洲陷入依賴。這不是比較優勢，而是將產業力量武器化，用來對付歐洲的勞工、工廠與社會。
第三是科技。隨著AI崛起，我們正經歷現代史上最快速的科技轉型。AI將決定哪些經濟體能引領21世紀，哪些會被拋在後面。因此，歐洲必須回答的問題既直接又迫切：歐洲如何不只是迎頭趕上，而是能在AI時代參與競爭，甚至居於領先？
這三大挑戰指向同一個結論：歐洲和許多國家一樣，無法獨力應對這些挑戰，也不能倚靠那些希望歐洲衰弱的國家來應對。歐洲已付出沉重代價，認識到不能依賴俄羅斯的能源；如今，歐洲必須在代價變得更高之前認清，它同樣不能依賴中國的製造業。歐洲還必須打造任何外部強權都無法提供的能力——真正的科技主權，包括自主的AI能力。供應安全、科技安全、價值安全，才是歐洲所稱「戰略自主」的真正支柱。但戰略自主不等於孤立，而是擁有選擇夥伴的自由，並且明智地做出選擇。
二、台灣的角色：優勢互補
這正是台灣可以發揮作用的地方。台灣位居全球最尖端供應鏈的核心。全球絕大多數最先進的半導體由我們製造；我們是電子與精密製造的全球重鎮；AI賴以運作的硬體，正是由我們生產。
我們的優勢不是對歐洲的威脅，而是與歐洲的優勢相輔相成。歐洲在工業機械、汽車工程、化工與設計領域居於領先，台灣則能提供晶片、零組件與製造生態系，將歐洲的雄心轉化為具競爭力的成品。對一個決心振興產業、保持優勢的歐陸而言，這種互補性至關重要。
三、台灣模式：信任與夥伴關係的實踐
台灣提供的不只是技術與專業，我們提供的是信任。台灣與歐洲共享最重要的價值：民主、自由、人權與法治。這正是台灣模式的精髓——以共同價值建立信任；以法治為基礎推動科技創新；尊重人權並保護環境；在自由開放市場的原則下追求互利共榮。台灣模式曾協助推動矽谷的創新與繁榮，同樣也能為歐洲做到。
我說的並非空談。看看正在發生的事：台積電投資德國，將先進晶片製造帶進歐洲產業的心臟地帶；環球晶投資義大利，強化歐洲在半導體材料方面的基礎；鴻海則在法國投資先進封裝——這是AI時代最關鍵的前沿領域之一。每一個案例的目的都相同：是合作夥伴，而非取而代之。
台灣的投資不是來掏空歐洲產業，而是與歐洲產業共同建設。這些投資正在歐洲的土地上創造就業、傳承專業，並深化產業生態系。這就是再工業化的具體實踐，也直接貢獻於歐洲的戰略自主。
四、中國模式：追求支配，而非互利
現在，請將此與另一種選擇——中國模式——相比，兩者的差異再鮮明不過。中國模式不遵守世界貿易體系的規則，而是仰賴龐大的國家補貼及不公平的非市場作為，削價壓制並擊垮歐洲的競爭者。
它的目標不是互利，而是支配——使歐洲陷入依賴、控制歐洲市場，最終讓整個歐陸淪為經濟附庸。由於中國的威權意識形態與歐洲的民主根本不相容，依賴中國不只是經濟風險，更是對歐洲自由及主權的威脅。一個供應鏈受制於人的歐洲，就是一個已交出部分自由的歐洲。
台灣比任何國家都更了解這種困境，因為我們每天都生活在這樣的威脅之下。我們以堅定的決心捍衛國家安全，同時也建立起一個無法被北京操控或挾持的經濟與科技基礎。這正是台灣與歐洲是天然夥伴的原因：我們面對相同的壓力，也有決心以相同的方式回應。
五、為何是波蘭：TEEMA科技園區
這也讓我回到今天為何站在波蘭這裡。歐洲的重要工業中心——威瑪三角的法國、德國與波蘭——正面臨同樣嚴峻的考驗：在國防上，是俄羅斯的威脅；在經濟安全上，是中國的衝擊。這不是兩個各自獨立的危險，而是歐洲自由與繁榮所面臨同一挑戰的兩個面向。
台灣希望成為解決方案的一部分。我們正推動在波蘭設立TEEMA（台灣區電機電子工業同業公會）科技園區的計畫，將台灣的產業實力及完整生態系帶進歐洲的工業心臟地帶。透過台灣模式，我們期盼支持歐洲在電動車、智慧城市與AI領域的發展。這將成為台灣參與歐洲重建烏克蘭工作的基礎——將共同的價值，化為共同的重建。
六、結語：以信任共創未來
最後，我想這樣作結。AI是一場具歷史規模的工業革命，而這場革命的核心就在台灣。歐洲的再工業化不應只是恢復過去的產業，而必須建立未來的產業——一場由AI驅動的再工業化。
我擔任台灣外交部長兩年半以來，已八度造訪歐洲。每一次來訪，我都見證我們的夥伴關係更加緊密。我們的價值相同，我們的經濟與科技相輔相成。台灣並不是要歐洲以一種依賴取代另一種依賴；我們是以歐洲可以真正信賴的夥伴身分，與歐洲站在一起。
因此，讓我們攜手向前。讓我們以天然夥伴的身分，並肩迎接本世紀的挑戰。讓我們在共同價值與共同實力的基礎上，為台灣與歐洲共創繁榮、安全與自由的未來。謝謝大家。
